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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 1:32 am

This is the second in a series of reply posts features interviews conducted by PBS Frontline with some of the world's leading experts on health care discussing the systems in other leading developed countries and offering some good suggestions & advice based on their expertise for Americans to consider in deciding how to best reform our system:

Second Topic: What About Doctors In These Other Leading Developed Countries?

GREAT BRITAIN/UNITED KINGDOM
AHMED BADAT, M.D.
General practitioner, Shepherds Bush Medical Center, London

In America we have the situation that the drug companies wine and dine the doctors. They give them free golf clubs, and they give them trips to Las Vegas so that you'll prescribe their pill. Is that going on here?

It used to go on about 10 years ago. Not as much as much as the Americans, but they used to take us to weekend trips to Jersey or to Nice, yeah. But the government has stopped that from the last about 10 years. The pharmaceutical industry -- very, very strict now. I think they can't give you anything [worth] more than 3 pounds [or] 4 pounds. ...

... You went to medical school, did you say, in Rhodesia, or here?

I started in Rhodesia, but after two years I came to England, and I did it at the University College Hospital.

University College, London. How much did it cost to go to medical school here?

In my time, [it] was free. My son -- I'll tell you about my son. ... He did three degrees. So his first degree was free, and he paid nothing because the council, the [city] government pays for the tuition. He did a second degree, which was a master's, ... a year course, [for] which I paid 3,000 pounds.

$6,000 for --

Yes, $6,000 for a master's.

Yeah, master's. That's a bargain.

Right? Then he went to medical school, and because there's a shortage of doctors at the moment -- this was five, six years ago -- he was paying 1,100 pounds a year. $2,200.

$2,200 to go to medical school.

In tuition fees. I mean, of [course] your living costs are different, but that is normal. I mean, 1,100 pounds is nothing. I mean, it's free.

It's a bargain.

And they give you a loan, student loan, which is about $7,000 a year, which you repay when you qualify and you're earning X amount of money. And you pay a small amount every year, so, I mean, there's not too much hardship.

Do you have to buy malpractice insurance?

Yes. My malpractice insurance is $6,000 a year.

$6,000 a year. I think a GP [general practitioner] in America would pay that per month.

Yeah. ... I've been practicing here 29 years. I had, I think, only one case. I was sued once. ...


NIGEL HAWKES
Health editor, The Times of London

How do doctors feel about the NHS?

... They're fairly unhappy in the NHS. I think family doctors are probably more contented than hospital doctors. Hospital doctors tend to think their advice is ignored. They're told what to do by managers; they're constantly given targets; and they're constantly under pressure. So they're fairly disenchanted. ...

We would think in America, it's just kind of natural that the high-powered heart surgeon in the hospital makes more money than some GP that I go down to when I have a cold. But that's not true in Britain.

No, not any longer. They make, I'd say, about the same amount of money. It depends. If a surgeon has got a lot of private practice, he can make a lot of money, but if he's just working for the NHS, he'd make about the same as a GP.

So the surgeon, the internist, the orthopedist in a hospital is a government employee?

They're employed by the Hospital Trust. The hospitals are all, so to speak, independent organizations. They get their money from the government, but they have a board and directors who run the hospitals, who pay the hospital doctors, the specialist consultants and so on.

Are the GPs NHS employees?

No, the GPs are independent contractors. They're given a sum of money to run their practice based on the number of patients they've got and the quality of service they deliver. Out of that money, they have to pay for the setup of the practice, and the difference is their annual income.

So that gets us to an interesting distinction from America. In America, most medicine is fee-for-service: I have an earache, and the doctor bills me for treating that. But in Britain, they don't charge you for the individual visit.

No, they don't, although hospitals now have a system of payment that attempts to capture this. It's called payment by results, in which, when a patient is treated for a specific condition, the hospital is paid a fixed sum based on a tariff for that treatment. This is intended to increase efficiency, really. That doesn't apply to GPs, though, just the hospitals. ...

... The NHS has done a lot of experimenting on different payment modes, is that right?

Well, under the new contract that came in in 2004 for GPs, there's a quality element. If they can achieve certain quality points, they get paid more. The quality points are things like making sure you've tracked down everybody in your practice who's got diabetes or heart disease, and you've treated them appropriately, and you've kept in touch with them, and you've called them in every six months, those kind of things. ...

Alan Maynard, this British academic, told me that it didn't work at first because they went to the doctors to say, "What should we pay you extra to do?," and the docs just listed all the stuff they do anyway.

Yes, that is true; they all earn pretty near the maximum number of points. ... Now the government is trying to up-rate the quality and make it more difficult to achieve maximum points. But the doctors are still doing it.


DAVID PATTERSON, M.D.
Consultant physician and cardiologist, Whittington Hospital, London

A GP is like a private businessman, is paid a fee for performance, so you can see why he might change behavior to [produce] good medicine. In hospitals, what's going to affect you? You're not going to be paid any extra for doing things, are you? Because you're an employee of the government.

I'm an employee of the government. I do get paid more for being a better doctor. We have a system in this country, which is a slightly controversial one, but it's one which has the grand title of Clinical Excellence Points, so that if I perform well from a number of different criteria year on, year on, I will rise [on] that additional salary scale. So I can get rewarded for good, high quality work.

Is that sufficient to drive clinician behavior?

It has an influence. I think it's not perhaps quite as potent as driving the GP behavior, if one's going to start differentiating between two parts of the health service. ...

What's it like for a medical leader, then, trying to sort of persuade one's colleagues to do things in a different way? You must run into a lot of push-back.

I think this is the huge place that education [plays], a huge role. And I think education is not about just education and helping people learn new things. It's about an attitude, and I think as a change agent, education is an extraordinarily powerful change agent. So I think if you have the right educational culture, such that you can go to meetings and it will be an educational meeting, into which of course there are ingredients that indicate that change is necessary, it creates a conscious[ness] such that when a good idea comes along, people are prepared to learn about it and to look at it and to be persuaded. Or not, but it's much more likely to take place in that culture. And to have the managers involved in that culture too makes it much more of a team effort.

... What is the core value you're trying to appeal to when you're trying to persuade a clinician, if it's not one of these merit [awards]? Are you appealing to their sense of professionalism to do good medicine? What are you trying to get at?

I think, I'm pleased to say, in medicine physicians -- clinicians, surgeons, psychiatrists -- by and large want to do the best for their patient. And they've gone into medicine for that reason, and it stays with them. So I think if they believe that whatever's on the agenda today is going to allow them to deliver a better deal, whatever it is, for their patient, they'll sign up to it.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... ctors.html
GERMANY
PROF. KARL LAUTERBACH
Health economist and member of the German parliament

Germany has pretty good results, it has fairly good costs, it's equitable, and yet they're constantly talking about reforming it. Does that mean people are not satisfied?

Well, people are by and large satisfied. Physicians are not always satisfied because they would like to earn more money. We have actually now decided that we [will] increase physician income, in particular for office physicians; we have already increased the income for hospital physicians by about 10 percent. But I don't know a single European system where physicians do not all the time ask for more money. This is basically part of the description of their job.

That's, I think, in every country we've been to.

I think if the physicians are not asking for more money at a given time, then you should worry about them. ... But on average, physicians are doing fairly well. ... For example, an office physician on average has about $10,000 per month after cost of the office, and this is not that bad in the German setting. ...

... So this is a general practitioner ... netting $120,000 a year.

Per year on average, before taxes.

It's not bad money, but it's one-half or one-third of what you'd make in America.

Exactly, but we have more physicians per capita. So if we have fewer physicians in the future, because less physicians are in training currently, then there will be higher income per physician. ... In most European countries, the payment is roughly comparable.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... ctors.html
JAPAN
PROF. NAOKI IKEGAMI
Health economist, Keio University School of Medicine

In America we tend to think of a doctor as a rich guy who drives a Lexus to the country club for dinner. Is that the image of a doctor in Japan?

To a certain extent. But ... it's only successful doctors in private practice who can have that kind of lifestyle, and not all those in private practice. As far as those employed in hospitals, ... if they are working in an urban, large medical center, they are going to [make] what their peers in the college would be earning in large companies, so there won't be that much difference. If they go to work in the rural hospital, then they might [make] only twice as much ... as the urban medical center physician. ...

... And this helps lure people to rural hospitals?

Yeah, because the rest of the hospital staff, the nurses and others, are more willing to work in rural hospitals at lower wages, so they can afford to pay higher wages to doctors. ... But this is a whole different notion than the United States, where orthopedic surgeons can get much higher income, especially if they practice in an urban medical center. ...

[Are these lower wages] driving down the number of doctors?

Well, as far as the competition to get into medical school, it's gone up.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... ctors.html
SWITZERLAND
PASCAL COUCHEPIN
President of Switzerland

Do you have a good enough supply of doctors? Is there a shortage of doctors, as in some countries?

If you look at figures, we have a good supply of doctors. They always say that in the future we shall have a lack of home doctors, family doctors. I'm not sure of that, but we have a problem of formation. ... Every year there [are] about 1,000 students beginning medical studies, and at the end of the formation there are only 600 young people getting the diploma. It means that about 40 percent of the students fail during the studies, although there is a selection at the beginning. ... Forty percent is too much as failure, so probably there is a problem in the formation, education.

But 600 graduates per year, that's enough to keep up the --

No, it is not enough. We need about 1,000 to 1,200. ... The difference is covered by immigration of medical people, first of all from Germany. And to Germany there is immigration [of] people from Eastern Europe. So there is a kind of migration of medical people from Eastern Europe to Germany, from Germany to Switzerland, and Switzerland to nowhere; they stay in Switzerland.

Well, once you're here, why not [leave]?

Because they are the best paid doctors in Europe. ... Also true that they [have] taxes, but at the end of the day, they are in a very good situation, the doctors in Switzerland. ...

Are you trying to limit the treatment or put some limits on doctors to keep the costs down?

There is, first of all, a will to limit the number of doctors themselves, because with new bilateral agreements with the European Union, there is what we call the "free flow of persons"; that our borders are open to immigration. And as the Swiss doctors are better paid than others, we could have a huge increase of immigration of doctors, more than we need. So we decided some years ago to limit the numbers of doctors [coming into] Switzerland, and when somebody wants to open a new practice, they have to apply and to get an authorization from the cantonal state. It is not a very intelligent system, but it is the best one that we have found to limit immigration of doctors.


DR. CHARLES FAVROD-COUNE
Family doctor, Chateau d'Oex, Switzerland


In America we think of a doctor, an internist, as a rich guy; he drives a Lexus or a Mercedes to the country club. Is that the image of a doctor in Switzerland?

No, no more. Perhaps for some surgeons that are working outside the insurance system, on a private basis, [they] can [make] much money. But I would say doctors now are normally paid in Switzerland for their skill, I would say, not at all like directors of some companies that earn very, very much money.

So corporate executives make more than doctors here.

Yes, yes.

And this is okay?

I find this is normal, and I think all the members of my society will agree with this.

This is acceptable to them?

Yes, it's acceptable.

You're not complaining about the fees you're paid or the prices you're paid?

Yes, we are complaining, [because] they are continuously under pressure. I would say the main problem is that ... our health minister is now cutting, for example, laboratory prices and ancillary services' prices, and so the entrepreneurship of a physician that has his own practice is economically more difficult. And this points to a current problem, [which] is that young doctors hesitate to open a practice or to take over a practice. ... And young doctors are economically hesitating to begin the business. And in a really liberal state, one has to make conditions that makes entrepreneurship attractive, and we have reached this limit.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... ctors.html
BROAD OVERALL COMPARISON TO UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
PROF. UWE REINHARDT
Health economist, Princeton University


Is one of the factors [contributing to the high cost of U.S. health care] the doctors' income?

That's now the latest target, to blame it on doctors' incomes. Yes, American doctors get paid more, relative to average employees, than doctors in other nations; that is true. It's about five times average employee compensation, and in England it's about two, and in Canada it's about three. So that's certainly true.

However, I would caution, the physicians' take of the whole health care cake is 20 percent, of which close to half goes to pay for their expenses: malpractice, nurses, rent, supplies. ... If you cut physicians' income by 20 percent, which would be a huge cut, you would shave 2 percent of national health spending. It wouldn't bail you out, and you would have a huge cadre of highly demoralized doctors. So this doctor bashing, I think, is barking up the wrong tree. ...

... Every health care system needs some kind of quality controls on the doctors, on the hospitals, and in the American system it seems to be malpractice cases. Is that a good way to do it?

Reinhardt: At the moment that's all we have, and it is somewhat effective. If we didn't have it, we'd be in much, much worse shape. The criticism against that system is that the lawyers who bring the cases get a big cut; the contingency fee system. And a lot of people would say if we abolished this, malpractice would be cheaper. But in countries where the lawyer has to get paid to do the work, and the losing party has to pay the party that prevailed their court costs, in such a system, low-income [plaintiffs] would never bring suit; they would never have a hope. So actually, as un-American as this may sound, I'm actually in favor of the present system until we have something better. ...

Does our malpractice regime add significantly to the cost of American medicine?

The average cost of malpractice [insurance] premiums as a percent of national health spending is around 1 percent. The cost people attribute to the system is what is called "defensive medicine": that doctors will order tests or do procedures not because they're convinced clinically they should do it, but they always have in mind: "I'm sitting in a courtroom and they say, 'Did you do this test?,' and if not, the jury would nail me."

The AMA [American Medical Association] has estimated it could be up to 10 percent [of tests]; we don't really know what it is. I also tell doctors: "Well, on the other hand, these tests are profitable for you. So if we abolished malpractice, would you give up 10 percent of your income?" And that's not so clear to me whether they wouldn't do these tests anyhow.

We asked doctors in all these different countries: How much is your malpractice insurance? Will you ever be sued? And [they had] very low insurance rates, and no, they don't ever expect to be sued. So how do those other countries maintain quality in medical care?

If you take Germany, for example, the doctors are employees of the hospital, and the whole hospital is accountable for everything that happens in its walls. With us, we have the strangest system: A hospital is a free workshop for an independent businessman or -woman called the doctor, who can go in there and order nurses and everyone around and cause costs, etc., but is actually sort of independent. The hospital isn't really accountable for the work even of the anesthesiologists and the radiologists, because they're freestanding entrepreneurs. That system is much more difficult to control, quality-wise. In the other countries, where doctors working in a hospital are employees, there is internal quality control.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... ctors.html
Last edited by roxybeast on August 28th, 2009, 2:19 am, edited 3 times in total.

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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 1:37 am

This is the third in a series of reply posts features interviews conducted by PBS Frontline with some of the world's leading experts on health care discussing the systems in other leading developed countries and offering some good suggestions & advice based on their expertise for Americans to consider in deciding how to best reform our system:

Third Topic: Does Universal Coverage Mean Socialized Medicine?

GERMANY
PROF. KARL LAUTERBACH
Health economist and member of German parliament

The German health care system is unique in its attempt to combine competition among sickness funds [nonprofit health insurers] on the one hand and a universal coverage plan on the other hand. Most health care systems are either one or the other, so you either have private insurance and competition but not everyone is covered for everything, or you have a single-payer system. So the ideal types are like the American system on the one hand or the Scandinavian or U.K. systems on the other end.

Germany tries to combine the advantages. Everyone is covered; all sickness funds have to provide a comprehensive benefit package; ... and there is nevertheless competition for price and quality between the sickness funds. ...

See, we're confused by that because, to an American, the reason companies compete is to make more profit, but these sickness funds aren't making a profit, are they?

No, they're not permitted to make a profit. Sickness funds do not want to perish. They want to survive and grow, and the management is better paid if the sickness fund is growing. The management is basically losing its job and its prestige if the sickness fund is becoming smaller.

So the idea is that there is enough of an incentive for competition, even if it is nonprofit competition. Not every form of competition that works is for profit, and the nonprofit competition in health care, in my view, is actually a good solution. ...

... Would you say that Germany has socialized medical care?

No, it's not a socialized system, because you can pick your insurance, public or private. Many people can even opt [out], and the sickness funds compete for members. You have free hospital or physician choice; there are very few limits on choice in the system. ... In a socialized system, everything is planned; in Germany, basically everything is open for nonprofit competition.

For me, another definition would be, who owns the facilities? Are the hospitals private?

Roughly 10 percent of the hospitals are private and for profit, 90 percent are nonprofit hospitals, and about 100 percent of all office physicians are for a profit.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... lized.html
JAPAN
PROF. NAOKI IKEGAMI
Health economist, Keio University School of Medicine

We have a debate going on about health care in America. Some of the candidates basically say that anything in a foreign country is socialized medicine. Is Japan using socialized medicine?

Yeah. I mean, ... this is all part of the social health insurance system, so it is socialized medicine. For the government to decide unilaterally that the prices would go up or down, this is a socialized system.

Does the government own the hospitals?

No. ... The federal government owns only 10 percent. ... Ten percent is for the voluntary organizations. Eighty percent is truly private.

That's a higher percentage of private hospitals than in the U.S., isn't it?

Right.

The doctors are privately employed businesspeople, is that correct?

Two-thirds of our doctors are employed by hospitals. One-third are private practitioners working in clinics, but they do not have hospital privileges. ...

So hospitals are private, only 10 percent of the doctors work for the government, to me that's not the description of socialized medicine: the government running, the government providing the health care.

But, for example, England's National Health Service, they have tried to privatize their hospitals by creating foundation trusts. I think that is a general direction in that it's just a tradition of the government being both the financing part and the providing part. They have been trying to split that so that there should be more market efficiency. It's the same internal market argument.

Do market efficiencies work in medicine?

To a certain extent. For example, the lowering of drug prices and for devices, that is an area where there are tangible aspects of it so that you can compare apples to apples. But if you are talking about comparing health insurance grants and trying to make them compete, they will compete on cherry-picking.

By picking healthy patients?

Right.

These health care plans covering basic health care for a worker and his family, do they make a profit?

No, because they are not allowed to make a profit. And anything left over is carried over to the next year, and if there's a lot carried over, then the premium rate would go down.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... lized.html
SWITZERLAND
PASCAL COUCHEPIN
President of Switzerland

Switzerland has a health care system that covers everybody; the quality is good; the costs are lower than in America, per capita. Is it socialized medicine here?

What do you mean by socialized medicine?

Run by the government?

No, it is not considered as socialized medicine. ... The doctors are paid by the mandatory health insurance system, so it is not quite a free market. On the other side, there is a kind of competition between the health insurance companies, between the hospitals. So it is probably not a socialized system, but it is a step further into the direction than the American system. ... I don't think it is a free-market system 100 percent -- by at least, let us say, 70 percent.

Could a 100 percent free-market system work in health care?

No, I don't think so. If you do that, you will lose solidarity and equal access for everybody. ... We think that is a basic value of living in our society.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... lized.html
TAIWAN
PROF. WILLIAM HSIAO
Harvard School of Public Health

Would you say that Taiwan has socialized medicine?

No, sir. Taiwan does not have socialized medicine in any sense of the word. First of all, the doctors are private practices. Most of hospitals are privately owned. They compete with each other. People have a choice of their doctors, hospitals. They have more choice than Americans. In no sense is it a socialized system.

So when Americans say, we can't adopt those foreign systems because of socialized medicine, [that's] wrong?

It's absolutely wrong for American people to think that when you have universal social insurance then you're going to have socialized medicine. I would even say Great Britain doesn't have socialized medicine. Their doctors --

[But in Britain] the government owns the hospitals?

Yes, but the doctors are private, practice privately. The primary family doctors are private practitioners; they compete with each other. And then they introduced competition even for the public hospitals, and now they are creating trusts ... to manage the public hospitals. So it's a misnomer, and it's a very unfortunate thing [that] it becomes a political term for Americans, a term to scare Americans.

So these other countries generally don't have social medicine?

No. Other than Cuba today and a little bit of Iran, I don't know any other countries where you have socialized medicine. ...

... I think you're telling me that the term "socialized medicine" is kind of a scare tactic used by American politicians who oppose change, but it's false.

I definitely agree with you on that. It's a pejorative term used, actually creating fear. It [connotes] that the doctors are employees of the state, nurses are employees of the state; hospitals are owned by the state, run by bureaucrats; people have no free choice. But that's not true for all the countries you mentioned: Canada, United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, Switzerland.

So you're saying that America could borrow ideas from Germany, Japan, Switzerland, U.K. and Canada and not become socialized?

That's correct. Taiwan borrowed ideas from all these countries, and I don't think anybody will say Taiwan has a socialized medicine. And the Taiwanese themselves certainly do not believe they have socialized medicine.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... lized.html
GREAT BRITAIN/UNITED KINGDOM
NIGEL HAWKES
Health editor, The Times of London

[Can you talk about the attempts to introduce internal competition into NHS?]

Yes. Originally -- and this is still true in Scotland -- you simply have a pot of money which is distributed by local NHS managers to hospitals, GPs or whatever. But in England, under Mrs. [Margaret] Thatcher and subsequently under Labor, it was decided that you could get a more efficient system if you divided those who provide the services from those who pay for them. So in other words, the hospitals are providers; the primary care trusts ... are the payers. The hospitals can compete among themselves for the available money. The idea was to create a sort of pseudo-market which would increase efficiency.

They compete by saying, "I'll deliver a baby for less money than the guy down the road"?

They're not allowed to do it for less money, unfortunately. That's why I call it a pseudo-market; it's not a real market. ... They made some attempts to sharpen it by introducing this "payment by results": the idea that each item of service has a price that a hospital can claim back from the primary care trust. And that also enables some competition, or some efficiency. The drive is to get more efficient. I have to say, it hasn't been hugely successful. But the principle, I think, is probably right. ...

... But this gets to a question we come across all the time. Do you think health care is a commodity, like lemonade or tea?

No, it isn't. The difficulty is striking the balance, really, so you get ... the sharpness that you get from a competitive market while still delivering an equitable system. I think some countries have managed that reasonably well.

... Who's doing well at it?

I think the Japanese do quite well. They have a very strange system by our standards, very strange indeed, but you get care very quickly. You can go wherever you like. There are not gatekeepers. You can get an MRI scan for $100 in two days; here, you might be waiting weeks for an MRI scan. ... Costs are quite low; they're tightly controlled by the government. So I think that's an interesting system.

The continental European systems like France and Germany, costs tend to be a little bit higher than the NHS -- not much higher now, a little bit higher. Service, I think, is prompter and in some respects better. So it isn't a market; it can't be a market. You have to make some attempt to deliver health care equitably, and a market isn't equitable. ... Somehow you've got to get the benefits of a market without the cruelties, and that is a very difficult balance to strike.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... lized.html
COMPARISON TO UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
PROF. UWE REINHARDT AND TSUNG-MEI CHENG
Princeton University

Reinhardt: Basically these are social insurance systems, and this is ... what some politicians cannot get through their heads. They talk about socialized medicine as if, of course, it were something evil. But what these systems are, they use socialized insurance -- in other words, to socialize the financial risk of getting sick -- but the delivery system is private, often a for-profit mix.

If you want to look at a purely socialized health care, you would have to go to the United States, where we have it. In particular, that's the system we reserve for our veterans. So if I hear politicians run down socialized medicine -- and I have done that before the Congress -- I say: ... Do you hate your veterans? Why do you reserve purely socialized medicine -- there's only the U.S. and Cuba that have that -- for the veterans? ... So getting the terms right would be very, very helpful in our national conversation on health reform. ...

If you were designing a health care system, would you build one where the basic health insurance was a profit-making operation?

Reinhardt: I would certainly have a large nonprofit contingent as a benchmark and then tell the for-profits: "Look, if you can match their premiums, if you can somehow do this better, and you make a profit, you earned a profit, keep it. But you've got to compete with the nonprofits." And I would even put in a government plan to have all three compete side by side and as a benchmark. I think that's a good system, when you have them competing side by side.

So people could buy health care from Aetna or WellPoint or from Medicare?

Reinhardt: Yeah.

Wouldn't everybody buy Medicare?

Reinhardt: Not necessarily. Americans keep telling me they hate government. I always tell them: "Man, I've got a country for you: Go to Afghanistan. They don't have one." So if you're of that ilk, yes, you can have your private paradise. But if you're comfortable with government, then go with government. ...

This gets to a more basic question: Is health care a commodity, like toothpaste or tires?

Reinhardt: We Americans, or half of Americans, think so. Certainly the policy-making elite think it is just another commodity, a private consumption good, but an important one. And so therefore, when you're poor, we will help you, just like we help you have clothes, like we help you have food, and of course we make education that way, too. But it's a private consumption good nevertheless.

Other countries view health care as a social service that should be collectively financed and available to everyone on equal terms. My wife and I just interviewed the German minister of health, and it was an exhilarating experience, because [it was a] totally different language. It was obviously important that everyone should have the same deal in health care. That was one; she mentioned that at least five times.

And the other word she mentioned you don't hear here is "dignity." In fact, I finally interrupted her and said, "Do you notice that you have said 'dignity'" -- Würde is the German word -- "five times?" It's a [word] that's not in the American vocabulary. Here, the president will go on TV and says: "Oh, if you're uninsured, that doesn't mean you don't get health care. Just go to the emergency room of your hospital." But you go there as a health care beggar. You don't have insurance.

And the German minister of health would say, "But that's not a dignified experience." ... And that drives their health policy, because they have 200,000 uninsured in Germany -- that's 0.2 percent of the population -- and she thought it was a huge social problem, and she solved it. And we were asking her: "Why is that a problem? We wouldn't even notice that here. We've got 47 million, or 16 percent." And she says, it had to do with dignity. ...

May, can I ask you, in most countries, do they take it as a given that everyone should have a right to some basic level of health care?

Cheng: Yes, I would say so. America is the only country, ... among the developed countries, that does not have universal national health insurance.

But if you ask Americans, "Does everybody have a right to basic health care?," what do they say?

Cheng: They say yes, everybody should have health care, on the one hand. But on the other hand, if you ask them, "Are you willing to pay for it?," they say no. So I've never been able to understand this contradiction.

And that gets to your point that a country's health care system reflects its basic social values.

Reinhardt: Yes, and one must respect differences there. There are libertarian values which say private property is the overarching value, the sanctity thereof, and there are egalitarians who say health care should be shared and so on. That's fair enough. What troubles me about the American people is they talk out of two sides of their mouths.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... lized.html
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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 1:41 am

This is the fourth (& final post) in a series of reply posts features interviews conducted by PBS Frontline with some of the world's leading experts on health care discussing the systems in other leading developed countries and offering some good suggestions & advice based on their expertise for Americans to consider in deciding how to best reform our system:

Fourth/Final Topic: How Do Other Countries Control Drug Costs?

GERMANY
PROF. KARL LAUTERBACH
Health economist and member of German parliament

Who sets the prices for German health care?

The prices are negotiated by the sickness funds [nonprofit health insurance companies] and the physician, so there is no government intervention. And the price negotiation is then binding for all sickness funds. So that makes it possible to have one price for procedures in the public system. ...

Is this also true for drug prices?

It is also true for drug prices. For example, the same drug is the same price for all sickness funds. There is a possibility for sickness funds to negotiate a bargain with the drug companies, but roughly speaking the price is the same for one drug for all sickness funds.

Has anybody compared drug prices for the same drug in America and Germany?

The same drugs are way cheaper in Germany than in America because, obviously, if all sickness funds negotiate with the drug companies for a single price, then the market power of the sickness funds is fully used. So therefore you would expect the prices to be lower for the drugs in Germany, and this is exactly what you see, at least for non-generic drugs. ...

One argument for [higher prices] is that the drug companies need to get these high prices in America to finance innovation. Do you buy that?

I think we have seen little innovation by the drug companies that charge the highest prices recently. ... All markets typically manage innovation without having to charge subsidized prices. ...

So the argument that you should pay higher prices to drug companies to promote innovation, that's wrong?

I don't know a single economist who would buy into that argument. I think this is a lobbyist argument. A market works best if there are no inefficiencies, and higher-than-necessary prices are inefficiencies. And the drug companies now spend more for marketing the drugs than for innovating the drugs. This clearly is an artifact which comes across with this system of subsidized and too-high prices.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... /drug.html
SWITZERLAND
PASCAL COUCHEPIN
President of Switzerland

You have some of the world's greatest pharmaceutical companies. Do you have a problem controlling [drug costs]?

Yes. The cost of drugs are controlled and the prices of drugs are fixed by the government. ... [But] if we compare the prices of drugs in Switzerland and the neighboring countries, it is higher in Switzerland.

You pay more for the same pill?

Yes. And ... we wanted to discuss the problem, and we took some measures to reduce the prices. First of all, we decided that where it is possible to have generics, people have to take generics, or if they do not take generics, they have to pay part of the price [on] their own. ... And after that, we systematically compare the price of the most used drugs with the cost of the most used drugs in the neighboring countries, and we reduce the prices of the drugs in Switzerland.

You reduce the prices. And then what does this big Swiss pharmaceutical industry say?

Two things. First of all, they accepted generics, ... and they also accepted to reduce the prices of the original drugs, which were more expensive in Switzerland. ... What they want is that we pay much more for the new drugs with a great value added, and we accept that. For cancer [drugs], perhaps we pay a little too much, in my opinion; we can still have a discussion about that. But we are very open for new drugs with huge therapeutic advantage. ... We try to support innovation and not to support profits in [and of themselves]. ...

... We have big drug companies in America, and they say, "Americans should pay high prices because that's the price of innovation." ... Do you buy that argument? Is it legitimate?

Partially. But if you look at the expenses of a great pharmaceutical company, ... they pay between about 10 to 15 percent of their expenses for research, but they use 30 to 40 percent of their incomes for marketing and promotion. ... It is not completely wrong that they spend so much, but it is not correct to say that there is a direct connection between the price of drugs and the cost of research. It could be more between the cost of marketing and the cost of the drugs.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... /drug.html
GREAT BRITAIN/UNITED KINGDOM
NIGEL HAWKES
Health editor, Times of London

We want to talk about what Americans call rationing of medicine, which seems quite visible to me in Britain. I mean, there are certain drugs that you just won't provide.

Yes, exactly.

And I think there are certain ages beyond which you won't do dialysis? Is that correct?

There is a tendency not to use very determined medicine on elderly people. Unlike in the States, where you'll use heroic efforts to save anybody at any age, here, once you're beyond 80, the tendency is to say: "Well, you know, limited resources; we'll focus them on younger people, people of working age and so on." On the medicines front, we do have quite strong rationing. It's done by a body called National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence [NICE], ... which looks at drugs and works out whether they're cost-effective or not, and frequently concludes that they're not.

I remember a case when I was here. NICE would not approve some breast cancer drug, and the headline in The Sun was "NICE Killed Mum" or something.

Indeed. Well, this happens all the time, particularly in cancer drugs. I mean, the modern cancer drugs are very, very expensive, and they maybe only prolong life by a couple of months. So if you look at this in cost-effective terms, which is a brutal way of looking at it, but if you do, you have to conclude that the money would be better spent somewhere else in the system. But that's no consolation to the person who's dying. So we have this argument constantly.

You might have hoped that the extra money that's gone into the system over the last five years would have eased these pressures, but frankly it hasn't. Not a lot of the money seems to have gone into medicines. There's an attitude in this country that medicines are an unnecessary cost. It's absurd; actually, they're all there is. That's what doctors do: They diagnose disease and prescribe medicines, neglecting surgery. But somehow, ministers claim credit when they reduce the drug bill. ... They would never come out and say, "I've reduced nurses' wages," or "I've cut the money doctors earn." They wouldn't dare say that. But they're quite happy to say, "I've cut the drug bill." And they did a couple of years ago; they reduced drug prices across the board by 7 percent.

Well, that says something about the political standing of the drug industry: They're bad guys, and you can cut their income.

I guess it does say that, yes. Nurses, good; doctors, good; pharmaceutical companies, not so good -- yeah, I think that is the attitude.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... /drug.html
JAPAN
PROF. NAOKI IKEGAMI
Health economist, Keio University School of Medicine

Back when [Junichiro] Koizumi was prime minister, there was a strong movement to allow extra billing. ... Extra billing is like, for example, using off-label drugs: The insurance says that this cancer drug can only be used for lung cancer because its studies have been only made for lung cancer, and we don't know whether that's effective for other cancer.

Now, the pro-market economy business leaders who were under the prime minister's council said that this should be deregulated, and providers can bill the part that is covered by the public health insurance to the public health insurance [and] the part that is not covered directly to the patient. But ... they decided, in effect, that the prohibition would remain, so that extra billing and balance billing would not be allowed.

Do you agree?

Yes.

That's not a good way to go.

No, I don't think it's a good way to go, because the whole notion of choice in health care is very different from the typical market-economy situation. For example, plastic surgery may be the one area where market forces can work, where there's time available to make that rational choice; it is not a life-and-death situation, and the outcome is fairly predictable.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... /drug.html
CANADA
PROF. UWE REINHARDT
Health economist, Princeton University

A lot of Americans say, well, the drug companies are making obscene profits. What factor is that in American cost structure?

Reinhardt: ... If you look at total drug company profits in a given year, of every retail dollar sale, drug companies who manufacture the stuff get 75 cents. And of that, they make 16, 15 percent profit. So if you multiply that out, we have about $220 billion in drug sales; that's about, say, $25 billion in profits. Now, that is a lot; you can buy two Princetons for that. However, if you then divide $25 billion through $2.2 trillion in national health spending, you get 1.2 percent; that is, drug company profits are 1.2 percent of total national health spending.

So even if they made no profit, we'd only cut 1 percent of --

Reinhardt: Cut 1 percent. So again, that's the wrong target to shoot at. What you really should ask is, for all this money we're spending, are we getting the maximum value in the drugs? And by and large, the economists who have looked at it would say yes, we actually do.

Are Americans paying more for the same drug than Canadians or Brits?

Reinhardt: Absolutely. Oh, yes, we do, sizably. I think on average, for brand-name drugs, Canadians pay 30 percent less.

Why?

Reinhardt: Their income, GDP per capita, is also 30 percent less, so one might say it's just pegged to income. There was a paper actually in Health Affairs that said ... what different nations pay for the same drug traces pretty much GDP per capita.

But why do the drug companies let Canada pay less for the same drug?

Reinhardt: Because the Canadians have a drug control board, and the government there pays for the drugs, and they're just simply saying, "We're offering you this; take it or leave it." ... Even if you get only 30 percent of what Americans pay, that's still a huge profit margin above what it really costs you to make the pill. So how can you resist a good, tender morsel like that? ... The only thing American drug companies pray for is that Canadians don't resell those drugs at a profit to Americans, and that's what that whole fight about re-importation is all about. And it's not a big deal; there isn't that much.

Medicare is a huge buyer of drugs. Could they negotiate better prices and get lower prices from American drug companies?

Reinhardt: This is what Democrats believe, that Medicare could have a pricing board and buy cheaper than what the private plans negotiate. I am a skeptic, because ... in America, you can buy the heart and soul of legislators retail, with money. So I do not believe that when the chips are down that the government would be able to get lower prices. There would be lobbying; there would be all kinds of things. ... So I think actually the deal that the Republicans made through the private plans was the better deal. ...

Insurance companies negotiate the price, but the government doesn't do it.

Reinhardt: Yes. I can't prove it. Of course we don't have the control group, the government, doing it, but my betting would be that actually the prices are as favorable as they would be if government had done it.

I'm not an economist. I'm kind of ticked off that I have to pay 30 to 40 percent more for the same pill, made in the same factory, than somebody in Ottawa. Should I be mad about that?

Reinhardt: You might say [yes], obviously. However, supposing you then passed a law that says there shall be only one price for the drugs everywhere worldwide. That can be done. The companies would figure a price at which they would maximize their profit. But then you would leave millions of human beings out, price them out of the market at that high price. ... Given you are willing to pay that high price to begin with, why not serve these other people and let our drug companies make the extra profits with which they can fund R&D?

We economists, in our classes, teach students that to some degree, price discrimination is actually a good thing; that it allows you to serve lower-income people. Take Africa, with AIDS. They could never finance what an AIDS cocktail costs here, over $10,000 a year. But if you sold it to them for $300 a year, which just barely covers cost, they could probably serve quite a few of their citizens, with World Bank help. We economists say that will be beneficial. But it's a two-tier system; yes, African people pay less than we would pay.

So you're telling me, if I have to pay $100 for a prescription, at least I can feel good that I'm subsidizing costs for some poorer person --

Reinhardt: Some poorer, even Canadians. ... What is cruel in our system is that you have uninsured gas station attendants who pay very high prices for drugs, much higher than a corporate executive pays in Canada for the same drug. And you could say that American gas station attendant could certainly be furious, and my heart is out with him. But the issue here is insurance; the issue is not so much drug pricing.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... /drug.html

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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 3:20 am

Kennedy Legacy Looms Large in Health Care Debate
by Beth Isbell,
August 28, 2009, 2:30am


Since I posted a lengthy report on how other leading democracies and developed nations handle their health care systems earlier today, let's keep today's daily health care reform & media coverage column short, sweet & to the point.

The big question is what impact will Senator Kennedy's passing have on the current reform efforts? Here are a few articles to consider:

http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/

A N.Y. Times Video: "Defining the Kennedy Health Care Legacy" ...
http://video.nytimes.com/video/2009/08/ ... egacy.html

N.Y. Times story "Kennedy Death Adds Volatile Element to Health Fight" ...
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/27/us/po ... ealth.html

NPR Radio Report - "Kennedy's Lasting Devotion To Health Care For All"
... http://www.npr.org/templates/story/stor ... =112242975

From Huffington Post ... "Healthcare, History and Kennedy" ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/katrina-v ... 70299.html

From Huffington Post ... "Stuck In a Moment You Can't Get Out Of" ...
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bill-schn ... 70666.html

From Huffington Post ... "Get Health Care Done For Ted" ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bill-sche ... 69869.html

And the political fight over health care reform marches on ... while the right wing uses rich insurance companies and party leaders to attack ...

"Insurance Giant (Wellpoint/Anthem Blue Cross) Attacks Democratic Plans,"
By Ben Smith, Politico, Aug. 27, 2009 ...
http://www.politico.com/blogs/bensmith/ ... plans.html

GOP Party Chairman Michael "Steele Gets Testy with NPR: Says Reporter Is Doing 'A Wonderful Little Dance'" ... with audio of the NPR interview … http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/2 ... 70332.html

So what about alternative proposals being considered like co-ops? Are they a good idea or a viable solution? Or not?
"Cooperatives' Record Weighed in Health-Care Debate: Some Herald Them as Cure for Health Care; Others Question Their Power, Costs"
by Steven Mufson,
Washington Post, Aug. 26, 2009


excerpt -

Debating the Model

Conrad argues that co-ops can be effective, citing the success of the model at Land O'Lakes, Ace Hardware and Group Health, a health-care co-op with 600,000 members in Washington state, as well as the rural electric co-ops. In a recent opinion piece published in USA Today, he said that co-ops would be "a public-interest alternative, but consumer-controlled and not government-run."

But others have reached different conclusions. In his article on rural co-ops last year, Cooper said: "Co-ops in some regions of the country have been doing a particularly poor job of protecting member interests."

Robert D. Reischauer, president of the Urban Institute and former director of the Congressional Budget Office, said rural electric cooperatives aren't a good model for health insurance regardless of their track record.

"Those were providing a service where no private enterprise wanted to operate because the population density was too low and the capital costs were too high," he said. "And what we're talking about is trying to create a viable insurer that would operate in metropolitan areas and rural areas and suburban areas."

Reischauer added that a firm capable of providing effective health insurance needs to be big, because that would bring economies of scale in administration and market power necessary to bargain with health-care providers. Rural electric cooperatives, by contrast, tend to be local. There are around 800 rural electric cooperatives nationwide, including 16 in Conrad's home state of North Dakota.

"What you want is something that is big and nimble at the same time," Reischauer said

Source: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 03485.html
Meanwhile, the ever present question still looms: Will the Blue Dog Democrats block meaningful reform?

"Key Democrat Suggests Party Moderates 'Brain Dead'" http://www.huffingtonpost.com/huff-wire ... blic-plan/

So what about the cost of reform? Here are some articles to consider ...

Finally, somebody picked up on my earlier idea that the bailouts may be the biggest obstacle to finding enough support to pass real reform ...
"Squandered Honeymoon: How Botched Bailouts Hamper Healthcare Reform"
by Rob Johnson
Huffington Post, Aug. 27, 2009


The financial sector issues have receded into the background for a time. But the residue of anger and distrust has not, as we're now seeing with healthcare. At a logical level, the nature of the debate seems crazy. Blue Dogs wrap themselves in the mantle of "budget discipline" while opposing the things that would cut federal expenditures on healthcare costs. Seniors are screaming at senators and congressman to keep the government away from their Medicare (a government program.)

These are the facts:

- We pay twice as much for healthcare as citizens of other countries, yet we have poor measured relative performance.

- The Administration rather meekly supports a public option while, having rejected the single payer plans in the pregame ceremonies.

- The radical right and the insurance industry have turned on the public option, invoking comparisons to Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae.

- Pundits on the right like Greg Mankiw paint visions of an unfair competition between a competitive private sector insurance industry and a GSE-like public option entity that could unfairly dip into the taxpayer and drive the private firms out of business. (Leave aside for the moment that Mankiw's vision is somewhat silly in an oligopolistic market place where what would be disciplined is the excess profits arising from the monopoly power of insurance companies vis a vis the population.)

Yet let's be fair and not get confused by the confusion. Anyone who saw the handouts to Wall Street started by Paulson/Bush and continued by Geither/Obama has substantial basis for doubting that a public insurance company would operate on an actuarialy fair basis and not hit the taxpayer with a backdoor bill after driving out the private competition. This is what happens when we lose faith. Put simply, after the financial bailouts, few believe that the Obama Administration will act as a fair referee. Why trust someone to enforce proper boundaries in one highly visible context when they have failed to do so in another realm?

The Administration's credibility and ability to inspire has been damaged by their actions in the bailout arena. We are back to the place where we can envision good policies but no one trusts that our government can deliver and execute them. The public option suffers as a result. The Administration acts surprised --they rightly sense they have lost control of the process and are now back to beating up the left for making the public option their Waterloo. Connect the dots, ladies and gentleman of the Administration, You blew finance, so you lost control of healthcare.

Source/full story: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rob-johns ... 70474.html
And my earlier posts that the CBO's numbers on relative costs and savings of reform proposals are incomplete ...
"Rebutting the CBO's Preventative Care Cost Analysis"
by Christoper T. Fey, Preventative Medicine Expert


On August 7, 2009, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) published a letter to the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Energy and Commerce, Subcommittee on Health. The letter summarized a CBO analysis of potential reductions in federal costs from health improvements gained through preventive medical care and wellness services.

While the report recognized that most preventive care is "cost-effective," meaning that the costs are considered "reasonable relative to their clinical benefits," it concluded that "providing preventive care represents a net use of resources rather than a source of funding for other activities." We consider that assessment inaccurate because it rests on the premise that "expanded utilization leads to higher, not lower, medical spending overall."

The disciplines of wellness and preventive health care are based on the principle that improving health-related behaviors, detecting conditions at earlier stages and slowing the progression of chronic conditions will save lives and reduce health care costs. Today's clinically-based preventive health care programs reduce, not increase, utilization and can potentially save billions of dollars in health care costs.

Clinical prevention, as defined by the American Medical Association in Clinical Preventive Medicine by Richard S. Lang and Donald D. Hensrud, includes primary, secondary and tertiary prevention. Primary prevention, also called wellness, identifies risks and recommends behavior changes, such as healthy eating, exercise and immunizations, to reduce those risks. Secondary prevention detects diseases in the earliest stages when treatments are more effective. Tertiary prevention encourages adherence to recommended treatment and promotes specific lifestyle changes, such as healthy eating and exercise, to slow or even reverse the progression of an existing disease.

The CBO analysis and many legislative approaches to prevention focus on secondary prevention with subsequent medical interventions. They do not address primary and tertiary prevention, which represent a significant portion of health care cost savings.

The main challenge to secondary prevention has been widely discussed and provides the basis for the CBO assessment. The report states, "to avert one case of acute illness, it is usually necessary to provide preventive care to many patients, most of whom would not have suffered that illness anyway." We agree that some early prevention efforts, while effective at improving outcomes, were cost prohibitive because they produced widespread screening for multiple diseases. However, the discipline of preventive health care has progressed beyond its early stages to incorporate risk-based targeting and clinical recommendations. Programs such as The Prevention Plan™ combine simple blood tests with online health history and lifestyle questionnaires to identify each individual's top risks and then recommend an action plan to address only those risks. The CBO report states that preventive care "can have the largest benefits relative to costs when it is targeted at people who are most likely to suffer from a particular medical problem." These capabilities are available in the marketplace today, but not included in the analysis.

It is also important to note that the CBO report excludes the entire spectrum of wellness services from its calculations, citing that "evidence regarding the effect of wellness services on subsequent spending on health care is limited." In fact, studies have documented the benefits of wellness programs. "An Unhealthy America: The Economic Burden of Chronic Disease" by the Milken Institute estimated that modest reductions in avoidable factors -- unhealthy behavior, environmental risks and the failure to make modest gains in early detection and innovative treatment -- will lead to 40 million fewer cases of illness and gain over $1 trillion annual in labor supply and efficiency by 2023." This represents a 27 percent reduction in total economic impact.

Studies by Dr. Dean Ornish with Mutual of Omaha and Highmark Blue Cross Blue Shield have shown that people with severe coronary heart disease can stop or reverse their condition without drugs or surgery by making healthy lifestyle changes. Almost 80 percent of patients eligible for bypass surgery or angioplasty were able to safely avoid it by making lifestyle changes, saving almost $30,000 per patient in the first year. In a second study, lifestyle changes reduced total health care costs in coronary heart disease patients by 50 percent after one year and by an additional 20 to 30 percent in years two and three.

To achieve these savings, however, the United States must look beyond the current model of health screenings and medical interventions. We must develop comprehensive programs to change behavior. Preventive health care entrepreneurs have taken up the challenge. The same American ingenuity that brought us the airplane and the artificial heart is now focused on helping people lead longer, healthier lives. These programs are designed to complement, not duplicate, current health care services. The CBO report cautions, "a new government policy to encourage prevention could end up paying for preventive services that many individuals are already receiving -- which would add to federal costs but not reduce total future spending on health care." Programs such as The Prevention Plan, however, are designed to assess risks and make recommendations while members' regular health care providers administer screenings and treatment. This third-party approach provides a model for increasing preventive health care while avoiding duplicated services.

The United States can no longer afford a system where 70 percent of deaths and nearly 80 percent of health care costs stem from the same preventable chronic conditions. At this crossroads in health policy, the United States government has a rare opportunity to nurture a movement that can save hundreds of billions, make our workforce more competitive and improve the quality of our lives. We commend the CBO for its thoughtful analysis of this important issue and encourage further exploration to incorporate both recent advances in risk-based targeting and the role of wellness programs in reducing health care costs.

Christopher T. Fey is chairman and CEO of U.S. Preventive Medicine, a global prevention services company.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/chris-fey ... 70450.html
We should all know & agree by now that real reform is necessary. If you have any doubts, consider the advice of our old former insurance industry executive friend Wendell Potter, who we first met when he was being interviewed by Bill Moyers in one of my earlier blog posts.
"Health Care Fit for Animals"
by Nicholas Kristoff
N.Y. Times, August 26, 2009


excerpt -
Mr. Potter says he liked his colleagues and bosses in the insurance industry, and respected them. They are not evil. But he adds that they are removed from the consequences of their decisions, as he was, and are obsessed with sustaining the company’s stock price — which means paying fewer medical bills.

One way to do that is to deny requests for expensive procedures. A second is “rescission” — seizing upon a technicality to cancel the policy of someone who has been paying premiums and finally gets cancer or some other expensive disease. A Congressional investigation into rescission found that three insurers, including Blue Cross of California, used this technique to cancel more than 20,000 policies over five years, saving the companies $300 million in claims.

As The Los Angeles Times has reported, insurers encourage this approach through performance evaluations. One Blue Cross employee earned a perfect evaluation score after dropping thousands of policyholders who faced nearly $10 million in medical expenses.

Mr. Potter notes that a third tactic is for insurers to raise premiums for a small business astronomically after an employee is found to have an illness that will be very expensive to treat. That forces the business to drop coverage for all its employees or go elsewhere.

All this is monstrous, and it negates the entire point of insurance, which is to spread risk.

The insurers are open to one kind of reform — universal coverage through mandates and subsidies, so as to give them more customers and more profits. But they don’t want the reforms that will most help patients, such as a public insurance option, enforced competition and tighter regulation.

Mr. Potter argues that much tougher regulation is essential. He also believes that a robust public option is an essential part of any health reform, to compete with for-profit insurers and keep them honest.

As a nation, we’re at a turning point. Universal health coverage has been proposed for nearly a century in the United States. It was in an early draft of Social Security.

Yet each time, it has been defeated in part by fear-mongering industry lobbyists. That may happen this time as well — unless the Obama administration and Congress defeat these manipulative special interests. What’s un-American isn’t a greater government role in health care but an existing system in which Americans without insurance get health care, if at all, in livestock pens.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/27/opini ... istof.html
Need more convinging? Consider this video clip & story ... "'We Need Help!': The Health Care Clip Every American Should Watch" ... watch Republican Senator Tom Coburn, a leading GOP reform opponent, deftly turn an honest cry for help into political pandering to oppose meaningful reform - seek help from your neighbors, lady, and don't ask government to help you with your husband's brain tumor ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeffrey-f ... 70639.html

Finally, another plug for the Public Option as a good, viable, & necessary solution ...

"My Open Letter on the Public Option" by Rep. Jerrold Nadler,
Congressman from New York ...
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jerrold-n ... 69902.html

And for today’s daily "snipity-doo" (my twins are clever at these names) … watch this great funny new cartoon video on why we need government run universal socialized health insurance & pass it on to your friends! http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jng4TnKqy6A

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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 6:36 pm

We've been on the subject of how other leading nations handle their health care systems. Canada was mentioned only briefly in the frontline articles posted earlier. Here's a new article from truthout.org discussing differences with the Canadian health care system in detail:

CANADA
Don't Get Sick
by Gail Pellett
Truthout Perspective, Aug. 27, 2009


Don't get sick! Those were the last words my grandfather said to me as I left Vancouver for the United States. It was 1964. Canada was in the process of implementing a universal health care system. I hadn't noticed, because I was young, healthy and restless.

Now, these many years later, as I witness the health care reform "debate," my grandfather's words have returned to haunt me. He had been a pioneer farmer in Saskatchewan on the Canadian prairies. That's where Canada's universal health care system was conceived during the hard years of the depression and its aftermath.

Medicare (Canada's health care plan) was largely the brainchild of a Baptist minister turned politician, T. C. (Tommy) Douglas. He and others founded a new party in Saskatchewan (which later became the New Democratic Party) based on "humanity before private interests." Universal health care was at the top of their agenda. By 1964, Saskatchewan implemented a health care plan that treated everyone according to their needs regardless of their ability to pay. Despite a doctor's strike that tried to kill it, the farmers - including my grandfather - made sure that this new health care plan survived. Then, just as now, there were those who thought it made total sense and others who thought it was a Communist conspiracy. However, it proved so popular in Saskatchewan that within a few years the federal government adopted it for the entire country. Imagine the audacity of this during a raging cold war. The year the plan went into effect was the year of the Cuban missile crisis.

In 2004, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation conducted a poll to determine whom Canadians thought was the greatest Canadian of all time. It was not Pierre Trudeau, Joni Mitchell, Dan Aykroyd, Leonard Cohen, Margaret Atwood, Lorne Michaels, Oscar Peterson, Peter Jennings, Celine Dion, Neil Young, Keanu Reeves, nor Wayne Gretzky. It wasn't even Keifer Sutherland or his dad, Donald. No, it was Keifer Sutherland's grandfather, Tommy Douglas, who is credited with making sure that Canadians would have universal, government-funded health care. When Canadians are periodically polled and asked what they are most proud of, in addition to peacekeeping, it is their national health care system.

What irritates me - depresses me the most in fact - is that Americans seem so unwilling to learn from any other country. "We would never want to have a plan like the Canadians" is a comment I heard from an interviewee on NPR the other day. Sadly, this speaker has never visited Canada, because if they had they would probably witness that the average working-class or middle-class person in Canada lives longer, works less, is a tad wealthier and has better sex. And, of course, they have that single-payer health care plan.

I'd like to say I'm joking, but you can check the sources of these claims in MacLean's, Canada's weekly news magazine. In Canada there are endless efforts to compare the happiness of Canadians vs. Americans and the Canadians were tickled to read that they might have it better in a 2005 MacLean's feature, which began like this:

"Like the perpetual little brother, Canadians have always lived in the shadow of our American neighbors. We (the Canadians) mock them (the Americans) for their uncultured ways, their brash talk and their insularity, but it's always been the thin laughter of the insecure. After all, says University of Lethbridge sociologist Reginald Bibby, a leading tracker of social trends, 'Americans grow up with the sincere belief that their nation is a nation that is unique and special, literally called by something greater to be blessed and to be a blessing to people around the globe.' Canadians can't compete with that."

So, hubris prevents Americans from learning about Canada's health care system - or any others for that matter - just when it could be helpful as American citizens try to reform their own unfair and costly system dominated by private interests. Admittedly, NPR has, in this late stage of the debate, been reporting about some other health care systems in Europe. Finally. As a citizen of both the US and Canada, I am perplexed by the ignorance of so many comments I hear and read. Many interviewees don't seem to know that the US already has huge government-funded health care programs called Medicare, Medicaid or the Veterans Health Administration that together cover more than 80 million people! That's more than the populations covered by Canada's or any one European country program!

Principles of Canada's Health Care Plan

But let's get back to what might be helpful for Americans to know about Canada's program. Here are some essential facts.

1. It is a single-payer system, meaning that the government - federal and provincial - pays the bills. But many providers - clinics, hospitals, diagnostic services, etc. - are privately owned. They are reimbursed for services just as doctors - who are mostly incorporated - submit for fees.

2. You get to choose your doctor.

In 2005, all the provincial government leaders reconfirmed their commitment to The Canada Health Act's key principles: that Canadians have the right to timely, high quality, effective and safe health services on the basis of need, not ability to pay, and regardless of where they live or move in Canada. They also committed to a system that is sustainable and affordable and that will be there for future generations.

Lively Debate

There is a lively debate in Canada about how well this system is meeting those principles. On the right, is the Fraser Institute, a think tank based in Vancouver that regularly releases reports outlining the extensive wait times for operations and procedures and plugs the benefits of a private market driven system. From the left, come worries about creeping privatization within the system. There is a tug of war between those who wish to preserve the public system and those who want more private options. And everyone worries about costs. The conservatives want to put less into the system; the liberals want to put more in and get more out of it.

The outgoing president of the Canadian Medical Association (a doctors' organization like the AMA), Dr. Robert Ouellet, was a champion for privatization. During this month's annual meeting, he wanted to "pull out all the stops" to push for private health care. But that effort flew in the face of the most recent poll by Nanos Research, which found that more than 85 percent of Canadians want to strengthen their public health system rather than expand for profit services. Dr. Anne Doig, the new CMA president, vowed a commitment to quality care rather than privatizations. The debate will not go away, but Americans could learn from this.

Canada's System Under Stress

Whether seen from the right, left or middle, Canada's system is under stress for similar reasons that our health care costs have skyrocketed here. Like most advanced industrialized countries, Canada is facing a demographic bubble of seniors - an aging population. Senior health care costs more. A recent New York Times article reports that treating the medical needs of seniors with chronic diseases during the last two years of their lives consumes a third of the US Medicare budget. Canada has lowered some of those costs by making generic drugs available through its system. As anyone in the US Medicare system knows, the drug program is a complicated, expensive mess. And some Americans go without drugs because they simply cannot afford them. Recently, US seniors have expressed concern that by extending Medicare to the currently uninsured (40 plus million folks in the US) that somehow their own services will be compromised. They could look at this differently. The power that an expanded Medicare would have to negotiate better deals for services and drugs could benefit everyone.

Other developments in health care force costs up in Canada just as in the United States, like the overuse of advanced diagnostic tests. Canadian health care specialists have been trying to tackle that issue. And the discussion has begun among reformers in the US. But one area where Canada's single-payer system really cuts costs is in the bureaucracy. While American hospitals typically hire dozens of people to handle claims for hundreds of insurance companies, in Canadian hospitals only a handful of people are required to keep track of expenditures.

The Anecdotal Story - Wait Lists

We often hear anecdotal complaints about the waiting time for operations in Canada. And that is a serious issue. I saw a TV ad on cable, as I was cruising stations recently, that said if you fall off a horse in Canada and break your back you will wait six months to see a specialist. This is nonsense. And since so many of the negative stories are anecdotal, I will tell mine. I recall my mother's experience with several hip operations. (She lived in Vancouver.) The first was for a hip replacement. Yes, she had to be put onto a waiting list. In the early '90s she waited some six months to get her operation. Yes, she was uncomfortable and a bit impatient, but she also knew she was getting a doctor with a brilliant reputation for fine work and she would need to get in line for him. She lived in a retirement community where demand was high. (Recent Canadian studies have shown that the waiting times are costing the Canadian system more than finding solutions to shorten the waits. And in 2005, Health Canada invested some $4.5 billion to reduce waiting times during the next six years. Also in 2005, after a Supreme Court decision allowed private clinics with private patients, Quebec province promised it would send patients to those clinics and pay for them if they had to wait longer than six to nine months for operations.)

But back to my mother's experience. Some eight years later, when my mother fell and broke the part of her hip device that extended into her leg, she was operated on within a few weeks. Since I was working out of the country when this happened, the operation was scheduled for when I could get to Vancouver in order to care for her. She walked with difficulty until the operation. Then in 2005, when she became very sick and weak, she fell and broke her other hip. She was operated on that night. Just as you would be in the US - if you had insurance or could pay.

Canada's Reforms

Canada's system is always under scrutiny from various factions and frequent analyses of abuses or problems are matched by eagerness to reform. Americans could learn from Canada's reform efforts to address rising costs. In some provinces, they are experimenting with creating more neighborhood, 24-hour clinics in heavily populated communities to take the expensive pressure off of hospital emergency rooms. Some clinics are run by nurse practitioners and focus on preventative care. They are also promoting midwifery and hospital birthing centers to increase the quality of care and reduce maternity costs.

Mouseland

Finally, resistance to health care reform is driven by a combination of corporate and political interests. Tommy Douglas understood this well and had a famous stump speech he used to deliver when trying to organize a new political party on the prairies that put humanity first. Over the years, that speech has become known as Mouseland. He told the story about mice who every few years held elections. Sometimes, they elected the White Cats, who would proceed to pass legislation favoring their interests including building a mouse hole large enough to get their paw into. So, when the next election came around, the mice voted in the Black Cats. These Cats also passed legislation to favor themselves. They wanted to build a mouse hole even larger so cats could get two paws in. The mice tried everything at subsequent elections, like mixing up the Black Cats and White Cats. Finally, they decided to elect a mouse. But that mouse was immediately arrested and jailed as a Bolshevik. Douglas concluded that this fable illustrated why the two party system only works for the Cats. He was stumping for a third party that he successfully introduced to the Canadian political landscape - a party that pushed and won universal health care. You can go to to see an animated version of this speech introduced by Keifer Sutherland.

What Can We Americans Do?

First, we can learn as much as we can from other countries about their health care systems. (And, perhaps, why a two-party system keeps building bigger mouse holes.) We can speak up for humanity before private interests. And we can let all of our representatives know our thoughts.

And Canadians?

Meanwhile, in Canada, a petition is circulating that registers Canadian concern about the lies and attacks on their health care system funded by corporate interests in the US. If you are a Canadian you may wish to check out the petition at this link.

Gail Pellett has been an award-winning documentary producer for radio and TV for 30 years. She produced with Bill Moyers for 13 years and produced independent documentaries also for PBS. Her feature articles have appeared in The Washington Post Magazine, the Village Voice and Mother Jones. She just finished a screenplay inspired by the life of Mary Wollstonecraft, the 18th century British women's rights advocate.

Source: http://www.truthout.org/082709A

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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 10:38 pm

So what about the American health care system? We've looked at what other countries do, so how is health care handled here in America?

This next piece is long, but very well written, and examines American health care from all angles, but particularly from those of a patient. Does America have the best health care system in the world? You decide ...

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
After the needless death of his father, the author, a business executive, began a personal exploration of a health-care industry that for years has delivered poor service and irregular quality at astonishingly high cost. It is a system, he argues, that is not worth preserving in anything like its current form. And the health-care reform now being contemplated will not fix it. Here’s a radical solution to an agonizing problem.

How American Health Care Killed My Father
by David Goldhill


ALMOST TWO YEARS ago, my father was killed by a hospital-borne infection in the intensive-care unit of a well-regarded nonprofit hospital in New York City. Dad had just turned 83, and he had a variety of the ailments common to men of his age. But he was still working on the day he walked into the hospital with pneumonia. Within 36 hours, he had developed sepsis. Over the next five weeks in the ICU, a wave of secondary infections, also acquired in the hospital, overwhelmed his defenses. My dad became a statistic—merely one of the roughly 100,000 Americans whose deaths are caused or influenced by infections picked up in hospitals. One hundred thousand deaths: more than double the number of people killed in car crashes, five times the number killed in homicides, 20 times the total number of our armed forces killed in Iraq and Afghanistan. Another victim in a building American tragedy.

About a week after my father’s death, The New Yorker ran an article by Atul Gawande profiling the efforts of Dr. Peter Pronovost to reduce the incidence of fatal hospital-borne infections. Pronovost’s solution? A simple checklist of ICU protocols governing physician hand-washing and other basic sterilization procedures. Hospitals implementing Pronovost’s checklist had enjoyed almost instantaneous success, reducing hospital-infection rates by two-thirds within the first three months of its adoption. But many physicians rejected the checklist as an unnecessary and belittling bureaucratic intrusion, and many hospital executives were reluctant to push it on them. The story chronicled Pronovost’s travels around the country as he struggled to persuade hospitals to embrace his reform.

It was a heroic story, but to me, it was also deeply unsettling. How was it possible that Pronovost needed to beg hospitals to adopt an essentially cost-free idea that saved so many lives? Here’s an industry that loudly protests the high cost of liability insurance and the injustice of our tort system and yet needs extensive lobbying to embrace a simple technique to save up to 100,000 people.

And what about us—the patients? How does a nation that might close down a business for a single illness from a suspicious hamburger tolerate the carnage inflicted by our hospitals? And not just those 100,000 deaths. In April, a Wall Street Journal story suggested that blood clots following surgery or illness, the leading cause of preventable hospital deaths in the U.S., may kill nearly 200,000 patients per year. How did Americans learn to accept hundreds of thousands of deaths from minor medical mistakes as an inevitability?

My survivor’s grief has taken the form of an obsession with our health-care system. For more than a year, I’ve been reading as much as I can get my hands on, talking to doctors and patients, and asking a lot of questions.

Keeping Dad company in the hospital for five weeks had left me befuddled. How can a facility featuring state-of-the-art diagnostic equipment use less-sophisticated information technology than my local sushi bar? How can the ICU stress the importance of sterility when its trash is picked up once daily, and only after flowing onto the floor of a patient’s room? Considering the importance of a patient’s frame of mind to recovery, why are the rooms so cheerless and uncomfortable? In whose interest is the bizarre scheduling of hospital shifts, so that a five-week stay brings an endless string of new personnel assigned to a patient’s care? Why, in other words, has this technologically advanced hospital missed out on the revolution in quality control and customer service that has swept all other consumer-facing industries in the past two generations?

I’m a businessman, and in no sense a health-care expert. But the persistence of bad industry practices—from long lines at the doctor’s office to ever-rising prices to astonishing numbers of preventable deaths—seems beyond all normal logic, and must have an underlying cause. There needs to be a business reason why an industry, year in and year out, would be able to get away with poor customer service, unaffordable prices, and uneven results—a reason my father and so many others are unnecessarily killed.

Like every grieving family member, I looked for someone to blame for my father’s death. But my dad’s doctors weren’t incompetent—on the contrary, his hospital physicians were smart, thoughtful, and hard-working. Nor is he dead because of indifferent nursing—without exception, his nurses were dedicated and compassionate. Nor from financial limitations—he was a Medicare patient, and the issue of expense was never once raised. There were no greedy pharmaceutical companies, evil health insurers, or other popular villains in his particular tragedy.

Indeed, I suspect that our collective search for villains—for someone to blame—has distracted us and our political leaders from addressing the fundamental causes of our nation’s health-care crisis. All of the actors in health care—from doctors to insurers to pharmaceutical companies—work in a heavily regulated, massively subsidized industry full of structural distortions. They all want to serve patients well. But they also all behave rationally in response to the economic incentives those distortions create. Accidentally, but relentlessly, America has built a health-care system with incentives that inexorably generate terrible and perverse results. Incentives that emphasize health care over any other aspect of health and well-being. That emphasize treatment over prevention. That disguise true costs. That favor complexity, and discourage transparent competition based on price or quality. That result in a generational pyramid scheme rather than sustainable financing. And that—most important—remove consumers from our irreplaceable role as the ultimate ensurer of value.

These are the impersonal forces, I’ve come to believe, that explain why things have gone so badly wrong in health care, producing the national dilemma of runaway costs and poorly covered millions. The problems I’ve explored in the past year hardly count as breakthrough discoveries—health-care experts undoubtedly view all of them as old news. But some experts, it seems, have come to see many of these problems as inevitable in any health-care system—as conditions to be patched up, papered over, or worked around, but not problems to be solved.

That’s the premise behind today’s incremental approach to health-care reform. Though details of the legislation are still being negotiated, its principles are a reprise of previous reforms—addressing access to health care by expanding government aid to those without adequate insurance, while attempting to control rising costs through centrally administered initiatives. Some of the ideas now on the table may well be sensible in the context of our current system. But fundamentally, the “comprehensive” reform being contemplated merely cements in place the current system—insurance-based, employment-centered, administratively complex. It addresses the underlying causes of our health-care crisis only obliquely, if at all; indeed, by extending the current system to more people, it will likely increase the ultimate cost of true reform.

I’m a Democrat, and have long been concerned about America’s lack of a health safety net. But based on my own work experience, I also believe that unless we fix the problems at the foundation of our health system—largely problems of incentives—our reforms won’t do much good, and may do harm. To achieve maximum coverage at acceptable cost with acceptable quality, health care will need to become subject to the same forces that have boosted efficiency and value throughout the economy. We will need to reduce, rather than expand, the role of insurance; focus the government’s role exclusively on things that only government can do (protect the poor, cover us against true catastrophe, enforce safety standards, and ensure provider competition); overcome our addiction to Ponzi-scheme financing, hidden subsidies, manipulated prices, and undisclosed results; and rely more on ourselves, the consumers, as the ultimate guarantors of good service, reasonable prices, and sensible trade-offs between health-care spending and spending on all the other good things money can buy.

These ideas stand well outside the emerging political consensus about reform. So before exploring alternative policies, let’s reexamine our basic assumptions about health care—what it actually is, how it’s financed, its accountability to patients, and finally its relationship to the eternal laws of supply and demand. Everyone I know has at least one personal story about how screwed up our health-care system is; before spending (another) $1trillion or so on reform, we need a much clearer understanding of the causes of the problems we all experience.

Health Care Isn’t Health (Or Happiness)
“Money is honey,” my grandmother used to tell me, “but health is wealth.” She said “health,” not “health care.” Listening to debates over health-care reform, it is sometimes difficult to remember that there is a difference.

Medical care, of course, is merely one component of our overall health. Nutrition, exercise, education, emotional security, our natural environment, and public safety may now be more important than care in producing further advances in longevity and quality of life. (In 2005, almost half of all deaths in the U.S. resulted from heart disease, diabetes, lung cancer, homicide, suicide, and accidents—all of which are arguably influenced as much by lifestyle choices and living environment as by health care.) And of course even health itself is only one aspect of personal fulfillment, alongside family and friends, travel, recreation, the pursuit of knowledge and experience, and more.

Yet spending on health care, by families and by the government, is crowding out spending on almost everything else. As a nation, we now spend almost 18 percent of our GDP on health care. In 1966, Medicare and Medicaid made up 1 percent of total government spending; now that figure is 20 percent, and quickly rising. Already, the federal government spends eight times as much on health care as it does on education, 12 times what it spends on food aid to children and families, 30 times what it spends on law enforcement, 78 times what it spends on land management and conservation, 87 times the spending on water supply, and 830 times the spending on energy conservation. Education, public safety, environment, infrastructure—all other public priorities are being slowly devoured by the health-care beast.

It’s no different for families. From 2000 to 2008, the U.S. economy grew by $4.4 trillion; of that growth, roughly one out of every four dollars was spent on health care. Household expenditures on health care already exceed those on housing. And health care’s share is growing.

By what mechanism does society determine that an extra, say, $100 billion for health care will make us healthier than even $10 billion for cleaner air or water, or $25 billion for better nutrition, or $5 billion for parks, or $10 billion for recreation, or $50 billion in additional vacation time—or all of those alternatives combined?

The answer is, no mechanism at all. Health care simply keeps gobbling up national resources, seemingly without regard to other societal needs; it’s treated as an island that doesn’t touch or affect the rest of the economy. As new tests and treatments are developed, they are, for the most part, added to our Medicare or commercial insurance policies, no matter what they cost. But of course the money must come from somewhere. If the amount we spend on care had grown only at the general rate of inflation since 1970, annual health-care costs now would be roughly $5,000 less per American—that’s about 10 percent of today’s median income, to invest for the future or to spend on all the other things that contribute to our well-being. To be sure, our society has become wealthier over the years, and we’d naturally want to spend some of this new wealth on more and better health care; but how did we choose to spend this much?

The housing bubble offers some important lessons for health-care policy. The claim that something—whether housing or health care—is an undersupplied social good is commonly used to justify government intervention, and policy makers have long striven to make housing more affordable. But by making housing investments eligible for special tax benefits and subsidized borrowing rates, the government has stimulated not only the construction of more houses but also the willingness of people to borrow and spend more on houses than they otherwise would have. The result is now tragically clear.

As with housing, directing so much of society’s resources to health care is stimulating the provision of vastly more care. Along the way, it’s also distorting demand, raising prices, and making us all poorer by crowding out other, possibly more beneficial, uses for the resources now air-dropped onto the island of health care. Why do we view health care as disconnected from everything else? Why do we spend so much on it? And why, ultimately, do we get such inconsistent results? Any discussion of the ills within the system must begin with a hard look at the tax-advantaged comprehensive-insurance industry at its center.

Health Insurance Isn’t Health Care
How often have you heard a politician say that millions of Americans “have no health care,” when he or she meant they have no health insurance? How has a method of financing health care become synonymous with care itself?

The reason for financing at least some of our health care with an insurance system is obvious. We all worry that a serious illness or an accident might one day require urgent, extensive care, imposing an extreme financial burden on us. In this sense, health-care insurance is just like all other forms of insurance—life, property, liability—where the many who face a risk share the cost incurred by the few who actually suffer a loss.

But health insurance is different from every other type of insurance. Health insurance is the primary payment mechanism not just for expenses that are unexpected and large, but for nearly all health-care expenses. We’ve become so used to health insurance that we don’t realize how absurd that is. We can’t imagine paying for gas with our auto-insurance policy, or for our electric bills with our homeowners insurance, but we all assume that our regular checkups and dental cleanings will be covered at least partially by insurance. Most pregnancies are planned, and deliveries are predictable many months in advance, yet they’re financed the same way we finance fixing a car after a wreck—through an insurance claim.

Comprehensive health insurance is such an ingrained element of our thinking, we forget that its rise to dominance is relatively recent. Modern group health insurance was introduced in 1929, and employer-based insurance began to blossom during World War II, when wage freezes prompted employers to expand other benefits as a way of attracting workers. Still, as late as 1954, only a minority of Americans had health insurance. That’s when Congress passed a law making employer contributions to employee health plans tax-deductible without making the resulting benefits taxable to employees. This seemingly minor tax benefit not only encouraged the spread of catastrophic insurance, but had the accidental effect of making employer-funded health insurance the most affordable option (after taxes) for financing pretty much any type of health care. There was nothing natural or inevitable about the way our system developed: employer-based, comprehensive insurance crowded out alternative methods of paying for health-care expenses only because of a poorly considered tax benefit passed half a century ago.

In designing Medicare and Medicaid in 1965, the government essentially adopted this comprehensive-insurance model for its own spending, and by the next year had enrolled nearly 12 percent of the population. And it is no coinci dence that the great inflation in health-care costs began soon after. We all believe we need comprehensive health insurance because the cost of care—even routine care—appears too high to bear on our own. But the use of insurance to fund virtually all care is itself a major cause of health care’s high expense.

Insurance is probably the most complex, costly, and distortional method of financing any activity; that’s why it is otherwise used to fund only rare, unexpected, and large costs. Imagine sending your weekly grocery bill to an insurance clerk for review, and having the grocer reimbursed by the insurer to whom you’ve paid your share. An expensive and wasteful absurdity, no?

Is this really a big problem for our health-care system? Well, for every two doctors in the U.S., there is now one health-insurance employee—more than 470,000 in total. In 2006, it cost almost $500 per person just to administer health insurance. Much of this enormous cost would simply disappear if we paid routine and predictable health-care expenditures the way we pay for everything else—by ourselves.

The Moral-Hazard Economy
Society’s excess cost from health insurance’s administrative expense pales next to the damage caused by “moral hazard”—the tendency we all have to change our behavior, becoming spendthrifts and otherwise taking less care with our decisions, when someone else is covering the costs. Needless to say, much medical care is unavoidable; we don’t choose to become sick, nor do we seek more treatment than we think we need. Still, hospitals, drug companies, health insurers, and medical-device manufacturers now spend roughly $6 billion a year on advertising. If the demand for health care is purely a response to unavoidable medical need, why do these companies do so much advertising?

Medical ads on TV typically inform the viewer that a specific treatment—a drug, device, surgical procedure—is available for a chronic condition. Many also note that the product or treatment is eligible for Medicare or private-insurance reimbursement. In some cases, the advertiser will offer to help the patient obtain that reimbursement. The key message: you can benefit from this product and pass the bill on to someone else.

Every time you walk into a doctor’s office, it’s implicit that someone else will be paying most or all of your bill; for most of us, that means we give less attention to prices for medical services than we do to prices for anything else. Most physicians, meanwhile, benefit financially from ordering diagnostic tests, doing procedures, and scheduling follow-up appointments. Combine these two features of the system with a third—the informational advantage that extensive training has given physicians over their patients, and the authority that advantage confers—and you have a system where physicians can, to some extent, generate demand at will.

Do they? Well, Medicare spends almost twice as much per patient in Dallas, where there are more doctors and care facilities per resident, as it does in Salem, Oregon, where supply is tighter. Why? Because doctors (particularly specialists) in surplus areas order more tests and treatments per capita, and keep their practices busy. Many studies have shown that the patients in areas like Dallas do not benefit in any measurable way from all this extra care. All of the physicians I know are genuinely dedicated to their patients. But at the margin, all of us are at least subconsciously influenced by our own economic interests. The data are clear: in our current system, physician supply often begets patient demand.

Moral hazard has fostered an accidental collusion between providers benefiting from higher costs and patients who don’t fully bear them. In this environment, trying to control costs is awfully tough. When Medicare cut reimbursement rates in 2005 on chemotherapy and anemia drugs, for instance, it saved almost 20 percent of the previously billed costs. But Medicare’s total cancer-treatment costs actually rose almost immediately. As The New York Times reported, some physicians believed their colleagues simply performed more treatments, particularly higher-profit ones.

Want further evidence of moral hazard? The average insured American and the average uninsured American spend very similar amounts of their own money on health care each year—$654 and $583, respectively. But they spend wildly different amounts of other people’s money—$3,809 and $1,103, respectively. Sometimes the uninsured do not get highly beneficial treatments because they cannot afford them at today’s prices—something any reform must address. But likewise, insured patients often get only marginally beneficial (or even outright unnecessary) care at mind-boggling cost. If it’s true that the insurance system leads us to focus on only our direct share of costs—rather than the total cost to society—it’s not surprising that insured families and uninsured ones would make similar decisions as to how much of their own money to spend on care, but very different decisions on the total amount to consume.

The unfortunate fact is, health-care demand has no natural limit. Our society will always keep creating new treatments to cure previously incurable problems. Some of these will save lives or add productive years to them; many will simply make us more comfortable. That’s all to the good. But the cost of this comfort, and whether it’s really worthwhile, is never calculated—by anyone. For almost all our health-care needs, the current system allows us as consumers to ask providers, “What’s my share?” instead of “How much does this cost?”—a question we ask before buying any other good or service. And the subtle difference between those two questions is costing us all a fortune.

There’s No One Else to Pay the Bill
Perhaps the greatest problem posed by our health-insurance-driven regime is the sense it creates that someone else is actually paying for most of our health care—and that the costs of new benefits can also be borne by someone else. Unfortunately, there is no one else.

For fun, let’s imagine confiscating all the profits of all the famously greedy health-insurance companies. That would pay for four days of health care for all Americans. Let’s add in the profits of the 10 biggest rapacious U.S. drug companies. Another 7 days. Indeed, confiscating all the profits of all American companies, in every industry, wouldn’t cover even five months of our health-care expenses.

Somebody else always seems to be paying for at least part of our health care. But that’s just an illusion. At $2.4 trillion and growing, our nation’s health-care bill is too big to be paid by anyone other than all of us.

In 2007, employer-based health insurance cost, on average, more than $12,000 per family, up 78 percent since 2001. I’ve run several companies and company divisions of various sizes over the course of my career, so I can confidently tell you that raises (and even entry-level hiring) are tightly limited by rising health-care costs. You may think your employer is paying for your health care, but in fact your company’s share of the insurance premium comes out of your potential wage increase. Where else could it come from?

Let’s say you’re a 22-year-old single employee at my company today, starting out at a $30,000 annual salary. Let’s assume you’ll get married in six years, support two children for 20 years, retire at 65, and die at 80. Now let’s make a crazy assumption: insurance premiums, Medicare taxes and premiums, and out-of-pocket costs will grow no faster than your earnings—say, 3 percent a year. By the end of your working days, your annual salary will be up to $107,000. And over your lifetime, you and your employer together will have paid $1.77 million for your family’s health care. $1.77 million! And that’s only after assuming the taming of costs! In recent years, health-care costs have actually grown 2 to 3 percent faster than the economy. If that continues, your 22-year-old self is looking at an additional $2 million or so in expenses over your lifetime—roughly $4 million in total.

Would you have guessed these numbers were so large? If not, you have good cause: only a quarter would be paid by you directly (and much of that after retirement). The rest would be spent by others on your behalf, deducted from your earnings before you received your paycheck. And that’s a big reason why our health-care system is so expensive.

The Government Is Not Good at Cost Reduction
Every proposal for health-care reform has featured some element of cost control to “balance” the inflationary impact of expanding access. Yet it goes without saying that in the big picture, all government efforts to control costs have failed.

Why? One reason is a fixation on prices rather than costs. The government regularly tries to cap costs by limiting the reimbursement rates paid to providers by Medicare and Medicaid, and generally pays much less for each service than private insurers. But as we’ve seen, that can lead providers to perform more services, and to steer patients toward higher-priced, more lightly regulated treatments. The government’s efforts to expand “access” to care while limiting costs are like blowing up a balloon while simultaneously squeezing it. The balloon continues to inflate, but in misshapen form.

Cost control is a feature of decentralized, competitive markets, not of centralized bureaucracy—a matter of incentives, not mandates. What’s more, cost control is dynamic. Even the simplest business faces constant variation in its costs for labor, facilities, and capital; to compete, management must react quickly, efficiently, and, most often, prospectively. By contrast, government bureaucracies set regulations and reimbursement rates through carefully evaluated and broadly applied rules. These bureaucracies first must notice market changes and resource misallocations, and then (sometimes subject to political considerations) issue additional regulations or change reimbursement rates to address each problem retrospectively.

As a result, strange distortions crop up constantly in health care. For example, although the population is rapidly aging, we have few geriatricians—physicians who address the cluster of common patient issues related to aging, often crossing traditional specialty lines. Why? Because under Medicare’s current reimbursement system (which generally pays more to physicians who do lots of tests and procedures), geriatricians typically don’t make much money. If seniors were the true customers, they would likely flock to geriatricians, bidding up their rates—and sending a useful signal to medical-school students. But Medicare is the real customer, and it pays more to specialists in established fields. And so, seniors often end up overusing specialists who are not focused on their specific health needs.

Many reformers believe if we could only adopt a single-payer system, we could deliver health care more cheaply than we do today. The experience of other developed countries suggests that’s true: the government as single payer would have lower administrative costs than private insurers, as well as enormous market clout and the ability to bring down prices, although at the cost of explicitly rationing care.

But even leaving aside the effects of price controls on innovation and customer service, today’s Medicare system should leave us skeptical about the long-term viability of that approach. From 2000 to 2007, despite its market power, Medicare’s hospital and physician reimbursements per enrollee rose by 5.4 percent and 8.5 percent, respectively, per year. As currently structured, Medicare is a Ponzi scheme. The Medicare tax rate has been raised seven times since its enactment, and almost certainly will need to be raised again in the next decade. The Medicare tax contributions and premiums that today’s beneficiaries have paid into the system don’t come close to fully funding their care, which today’s workers subsidize. The subsidy is getting larger even as it becomes more difficult to maintain: next year there will be 3.7 working people for each Medicare beneficiary; if you’re in your mid-40s today, there will be only 2.4 workers to subsidize your care when you hit retirement age. The experience of other rich nations should also make us skeptical. Whatever their histories, nearly all developed countries are now struggling with rapidly rising health-care costs, including those with single-payer systems. From 2000 to 2005, per capita health-care spending in Canada grew by 33 percent, in France by 37 percent, in the U.K. by 47 percent—all comparable to the 40 percent growth experienced by the U.S. in that period. Cost control by way of bureaucratic price controls has its limits.

In 2007, health companies in the Fortune 1,000 earned $71 billion. Of the 52 industries represented on Fortune’s list, pharmaceuticals and medical equipment ranked third and fourth, respectively, in terms of profits as a share of revenue. From 2000 to 2007, the annual profits of America’s top 15 health-insurance companies increased from $3.5 billion to $15 billion.

In competitive markets, high profits serve an important social purpose: encouraging capital to flow to the production of a service not adequately supplied. But as long as our government shovels ever-greater resources into health care with one hand, while with the other restricting competition that would ensure those resources are used efficiently, sustained high profits will be the rule.

Health care is an exceptionally heavily regulated industry. Health-insurance companies are regulated by states, which limits interstate competition. And many of the materials, machines, and even software programs used by health-care facilities must be licensed by state or federal authorities, or approved for use by Medicare; these requirements form large barriers to entry for both new facilities and new vendors that could equip and supply them.

Many health-care regulations are justified as safety precautions. But many also result from attempts to redress the distortions that our system of financing health care has created. And whatever their purpose, almost all of these regulations can be shaped over time by the powerful institutions that dominate the health-care landscape, and that are often looking to protect themselves from competition.

Take the ongoing battle between large integrated hospitals and specialty clinics (for cardiac surgery, orthopedics, maternity, etc.). The economic threat posed by these facilities is well illustrated by a recent battle in Loma Linda, California. When a group of doctors proposed a 28-bed private specialty facility, the local hospitals protested to the city council that it was unnecessary, and launched a publicity campaign to try to block it; the council backed the facility anyway. So the nonprofit Loma Linda University Medical Center simply bought the new facility for $80 million in 2008. Traditional hospitals got Congress to include an 18-month moratorium on new specialty hospitals in the 2003 Medicare law, and a second six-month ban in 2005.

The hospitals’ argument has some merit: less complicated surgical cases (the kind specialty clinics typically take on) tend to be more profitable than complex surgeries and nonsurgical admissions. Without those profitable cases, hospitals can’t subsidize the cases on which they lose money. But why are simple surgeries more profitable? Because of the nonmarket methods by which Medicare sets prices.

The net effect of the endless layers of health-care regulation is to stifle competition in the classic economic sense. What we have instead is a noncompetitive system where services and reimbursement are negotiated above consumers’ heads by large private and government institutions. And the primary goal of any large noncompetitive institution is not cost control or product innovation or customer service: it’s maintenance of the status quo.

Our Favored Hospitals
In 1751, Benjamin Franklin and Dr. Thomas Bond founded Pennsylvania Hospital, the first in America, “to care for the sick-poor and insane who were wandering the streets of Philadelphia.” Since then, hospitals have come to dominate the American medical landscape. Yet in recent decades, the rationale for concentrating so much care under one roof has diminished steadily. Many hospitals still exist in their current form largely because they are protected by regulation and favored by government payment policies, which effectively maintain the existing industrial structure, rather than encouraging innovation.

Between 1970 and 2006, annual Medicare payments to hospitals grew by roughly 3,800 percent, from $5 billion to $192 billion. Total annual hospital-care costs for all patients grew from $28 billion to almost $650 billion during that same period. Since 1975, hospitals’ enormous revenue growth has occurred despite a 35 percent decline in the number of hospital beds, no meaningful increase in total admissions, and an almost 50 percent decline in the average length of stay. High-tech equipment has been dispersed to medical practices, recovery periods after major procedures have shrunk, and pharmaceutical therapies have grown in importance, yet over the past 40 years, hospitals have managed to retain the same share (roughly one-third) of our nation’s health-care bill.

Hospitals have sought to use the laws and regulations originally designed to serve patients to preserve their business model. Their argument is the same one that’s been made before by regulated railroads, electric utilities, airlines, Ma Bell, and banks: new competitors, they say, are using their cost advantages to skim off the best customers; without those customers, the incumbents will no longer be able to subsidize essential services that no one can profitably provide to the public.

Hospitals are indeed required to provide emergency care to any walk-in patient, and this obligation is a meaningful public service. But how do we know whether the charitable benefit from this requirement justifies the social cost of expensive hospital care and poor quality? We don’t know. Our system of health-care law and regulation has so distorted the functioning of the market that it’s impossible to measure the social costs and benefits of maintaining hospitals’ prominence. And again, the distortions caused by a reluctance to pay directly for health care—in this case, emergency medicine for the poor—are in large part to blame.

Consider the oft-quoted “statistic” that emergency-room care is the most expensive form of treatment. Has anyone who believes this ever actually been to an emergency room? My sister is an emergency-medicine physician; unlike most other specialists, ER docs usually work on scheduled shifts and are paid fixed salaries that place them in the lower ranks of physician compensation. The doctors and other workers are hardly underemployed: typically, ERs are unbelievably crowded. They have access to the facilities and equipment of the entire hospital, but require very few dedicated resources of their own. They benefit from the group buying power of the entire institution. No expensive art decorates the walls, and the waiting rooms resemble train-station waiting areas. So what exactly makes an ER more expensive than other forms of treatment?

Perhaps it’s the accounting. Since charity care, which is often performed in the ER, is one justification for hospitals’ protected place in law and regulation, it’s in hospitals’ interest to shift costs from overhead and other parts of the hospital to the ER, so that the costs of charity care—the public service that hospitals are providing—will appear to be high. Hospitals certainly lose money on their ERs; after all, many of their customers pay nothing. But to argue that ERs are costly compared with other treatment options, hospitals need to claim expenses well beyond the marginal (or incremental) cost of serving ER patients.

In a recent IRS survey of almost 500 nonprofit hospitals, nearly 60 percent reported providing charity care equal to less than 5 percent of their total revenue, and about 20 percent reported providing less than 2 percent. Analyzing data from the American Hospital Directory, The Wall Street Journal found that the 50 largest nonprofit hospitals or hospital systems made a combined “net income” (that is, profit) of $4.27 billion in 2006, nearly eight times their profits five years earlier.

How do we know whether the value of hospitals’ charitable services compensates for the roughly 100,000 deaths from hospital-borne disease, their poor standards of customer service, and their extraordinary diseconomies of both scale and scope? Might we be better off reforming hospitals, and allowing many of them to be eliminated by competition from specialty clinics? As a society, couldn’t we just pay directly for the services required by the poor? We don’t know how many hospitals would even survive if they were not so favored under the law; anyone who has lost a loved one to a preventable hospital death will wonder how many should.

ARTICLE CONTINUED IN NEXT REPLY POST

Source: http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200909/health-care

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Post by roxybeast » August 28th, 2009, 10:42 pm

CONTINUED FROM PREVIOUS POST

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - part 2

How American Health Care Killed My Father
by David Goldhill


part 2 ...

You Are Not the Customer

What amazed me most during five weeks in the ICU with my dad was the survival of paper and pen for medical instructions and histories. In that time, Dad was twice taken for surgical procedures intended for other patients (fortunately interrupted both times by our intervention). My dry cleaner uses a more elaborate system to track shirts than this hospital used to track treatment.

Not every hospital relies on paper-based orders and charts, but most still do. Why has adoption of clinical information technology been so slow? Companies invest in IT to reduce their costs, reduce mistakes (itself a form of cost-saving), and improve customer service. Better information technology would have improved my father’s experience in the ICU—and possibly his chances of survival.

But my father was not the customer; Medicare was. And although Medicare has experimented with new reimbursement approaches to drive better results, no centralized reimbursement system can be supple enough to address the many variables affecting the patient experience. Certainly, Medicare wasn’t paying for the quality of service during my dad’s hospital stay. And it wasn’t really paying for the quality of his care, either; indeed, because my dad got sepsis in the hospital, and had to spend weeks there before his death, the hospital was able to charge a lot more for his care than if it had successfully treated his pneumonia and sent him home in days.

Of course, one area of health-related IT has received substantial investment—billing. So much for the argument, often made, that privacy concerns or a lack of agreed-upon standards has prevented the development of clinical IT or electronic medical records; presumably, if lack of privacy or standards had hampered the digitization of health records, it also would have prevented the digitization of the accompanying bills. To meet the needs of the government bureaucracy and insurance companies, most providers now bill on standardized electronic forms. In case you wonder who a care provider’s real customer is, try reading one of these bills.

For that matter, try discussing prices with hospitals and other providers. Eight years ago, my wife needed an MRI, but we did not have health insurance. I called up several area hospitals, clinics, and doctors’ offices—all within about a one-mile radius—to find the best price. I was surprised to discover that prices quoted, for an identical service, varied widely, and that the lowest price was $1,200. But what was truly astonishing was that several providers refused to quote any price. Only if I came in and actually ordered the MRI could we discuss price.

Several years later, when we were preparing for the birth of our second child, I requested the total cost of the delivery and related procedures from our hospital. The answer: the hospital discussed price only with uninsured patients. What about my co-pay? They would discuss my potential co-pay only if I were applying for financial assistance.

Keeping prices opaque is one way medical institutions seek to avoid competition and thereby keep prices up. And they get away with it in part because so few consumers pay directly for their own care—insurers, Medicare, and Medicaid are basically the whole game. But without transparency on prices—and the related data on measurable outcomes—efforts to give the consumer more control over health care have failed, and always will.

Here’s a wonderful example of price opacity. Advocates for the uninsured complain that hospitals charge uninsured patients, on average, 2.5 times the amount charged to insured patients. Hospitals defend themselves by contending that they earn from uninsured patients only 25 percent of the amount they do from insured ones. Both statements appear to be true!

How is this possible? Well, hospitals bill according to their price lists, but provide large discounts to major insurers. Individual consumers, of course, don’t benefit from these discounts, so they receive their bills at full list price (typically about 2.5 times the bill to an insured patient). Uninsured patients, however, pay according to how much of the bill the hospital believes they can afford (which, on average, amounts to 25 percent of the amount paid by an insured patient). Nonetheless, whatever discount a hospital gives to an uninsured patient is entirely at its discretion—and is typically negotiated only after the fact. Some uninsured patients have been driven into bankruptcy by hospital collections. American industry may offer no better example of pernicious “price discrimination,” nor one that entails greater financial vulnerability for American families.

It’s astonishingly difficult for consumers to find any health-care information that would enable them to make informed choices—based not just on price, but on quality of care or the rate of preventable medical errors. Here’s one place where legal requirements might help. But only a few states require institutions to make this sort of information public in a usable form for consumers. So while every city has numerous guidebooks with reviews of schools, restaurants, and spas, the public is frequently deprived of the necessary data to choose hospitals and other providers.

The Strange Beast of Health-Care Technology
One of the most widely held pieces of conventional wisdom about health care is that new technology is relentlessly driving up costs. Yet over the past 20 years, I’ve bought several generations of microwave ovens, personal computers, DVD players, GPS devices, mobile phones, and flat-screen TVs. I bank mostly at ATMs, check out my own goods at self-serve supermarket scanners, and attend company meetings by video conference. Technology has transformed much of our daily lives, in almost all cases by adding quantity, speed, and quality while lowering costs. So why is health care different?

Well, for the most part, it isn’t. Whether it’s new drugs to control previously untreatable conditions, diagnostic equipment that enhances physician productivity, or minimally invasive techniques that speed patient recovery, technology-driven innovation has been transforming care at least as greatly as it has transformed the rest of our lives.

But most health-care technologies don’t exist in the same world as other technologies. Recall the MRI my wife needed a few years ago: $1,200 for 20 minutes’ use of a then 20-year-old technology, requiring a little electricity and a little labor from a single technician and a radiologist. Why was the price so high? Most MRIs in this country are reimbursed by insurance or Medicare, and operate in the limited-competition, nontransparent world of insurance pricing. I don’t even know the price of many of the diagnostic services I’ve needed over the years—usually I’ve just gone to whatever provider my physician recommended, without asking (my personal contribution to the moral-hazard economy).

By contrast, consider LASIK surgery. I still lack the (small amount of) courage required to get LASIK. But I’ve been considering it since it was introduced commercially in the 1990s. The surgery is seldom covered by insurance, and exists in the competitive economy typical of most other industries. So people who get LASIK surgery—or for that matter most cosmetic surgeries, dental procedures, or other mostly uninsured treatments—act like consumers. If you do an Internet search today, you can find LASIK procedures quoted as low as $499 per eye—a decline of roughly 80 percent since the procedure was introduced. You’ll also find sites where doctors advertise their own higher-priced surgeries (which more typically cost about $2,000 per eye) and warn against the dangers of discount LASIK. Many ads specify the quality of equipment being used and the performance record of the doctor, in addition to price. In other words, there’s been an active, competitive market for LASIK surgery of the same sort we’re used to seeing for most goods and services.

The history of LASIK fits well with the pattern of all capital-intensive services outside the health-insurance economy. If you’re one of the first ophthalmologists in your community to perform the procedure, you can charge a high price. But once you’ve acquired the machine, the actual cost of performing a single procedure (the marginal cost) is relatively low. So, as additional ophthalmologists in the neighborhood invest in LASIK equipment, the first provider can meet new competition by cutting price. In a fully competitive marketplace, the procedure’s price will tend toward that low marginal cost, and ophthalmologists looking to buy new machines will exert downward pressure on both equipment and procedure prices.

No business likes to compete solely on price, so most technology providers seek to add features and performance improvements to new generations of a machine—anything to keep their product from becoming a pure commodity. Their success depends on whether the consumers will pay enough for the new feature to justify its introduction. In most consumer industries, we can see this dynamic in action—observe how DVD players have moved in a few years from a high-priced luxury to a disposable commodity available at discount stores. DVD players have run out of new features for which customers will pay premium prices.

Perhaps MRIs have too. After a long run of high and stable prices, you can now find ads for discount MRIs. But because of the peculiar way we pay for health care, this downward price pressure on technology seems less vigorous. How well can insurance companies and government agencies judge the value of new features that tech suppliers introduce to keep prices up? Rather than blaming technology for rising costs, we must ask if moral hazard and a lack of discipline in national health-care spending allows health-care companies to avoid the forces that make nonmedical technology so competitive.

In 2002, the U.S. had almost six times as many CT scanners per capita as Germany and four times as many MRI machines as the U.K. Traditional reformers believe it is this rate of investment that has pushed up prices, rather than sustained high prices that have pushed up investment. As a result, many states now require hospitals to obtain a Certificate of Need before making a major equipment purchase. In its own twisted way, this makes sense: moral hazard, driven by insurance, for years allowed providers to create enough demand to keep new MRI machines humming at any price.

But Certificates of Need are just another Scotch-tape reform, an effort to maintain the current system by treating a symptom rather than the underlying disease. Technology is driving up the cost of health care for the same reason every other factor of care is driving up the cost—the absence of the forces that discipline and even drive down prices in the rest of our economy. Only in the bizarre parallel universe of health care could limiting supply be seen as a sensible approach to keeping prices down.

The Limits of “Comprehensive” Health-care Reform
A wasteful insurance system; distorted incentives; a bias toward treatment; moral hazard; hidden costs and a lack of transparency; curbed competition; service to the wrong customer. These are the problems at the foundation of our health-care system, resulting in a slow rot and requiring more and more money just to keep the system from collapsing.

How would the health-care reform that’s now taking shape solve these core problems? The Obama administration and Congress are still working out the details, but it looks like this generation of “comprehensive” reform will not address the underlying issues, any more than previous efforts did. Instead it will put yet more patches on the walls of an edifice that is fundamentally unsound—and then build that edifice higher.

A central feature of the reform plan is the expansion of comprehensive health insurance to most of the 46 million Americans who now lack private or public insurance. Whether this would be achieved entirely through the extension of private commercial insurance at government-subsidized rates, or through the creation of a “public option,” perhaps modeled on Medicare, is still being debated.

Regardless, the administration has suggested a cost to taxpayers of $1 trillion to $1.5 trillion over 10 years. That, of course, will mean another $1 trillion or more not spent on other things—environment, education, nutrition, recreation. And if the history of previous attempts to expand the health safety net are any guide, that estimate will prove low.

The reform plan will also feature a variety of centrally administered initiatives designed to reduce costs and improve quality. These will likely include a major government investment to promote digitization of patient health records, an effort to collect information on best clinical practices, and changes in the way providers are paid, to better reward quality and deter wasteful spending.

All of these initiatives have some theoretical appeal. And within the confines of the current system, all may do some good. But for the most part, they simply do not address the root causes of poor quality and runaway costs.

Consider information technology, for instance. Of course the health system could benefit from better use of IT. The Rand Corporation has estimated that the widespread use of electronic medical records would eventually yield annual savings of $81 billion, while also improving care and reducing preventable deaths, and the White House estimates that creating and spreading the technology would cost just $50 billion. But in what other industry would an investment with such a massive annual return not be funded by the industry itself? (And while $50 billion may sound like a big investment, it’s only about 2 percent of the health-care industry’s annual revenues.)

Technology is effective only when it’s properly applied. Since most physicians and health-care companies haven’t adopted electronic medical records on their own, what makes us think they will appropriately use all this new IT? Most of the benefits of the technology (record portability, a reduction in costly and dangerous clinical errors) would likely accrue to patients, not providers. In a consumer-facing industry, this alone would drive companies to make the investments to stay competitive. But of course, we patients aren’t the real customers; government funding of electronic records wouldn’t change that.

I hope that whatever reform is finally enacted this fall works—preventing people from slipping through the cracks, raising the quality standard of the health-care industry, and delivering all this at acceptable cost. But looking at the big picture, I fear it won’t. So I think we should at least begin to debate and think about larger reforms, and a different direction—if not for this round of reform, then for the next one. Politics is, of course, the art of the possible. If our health-care crisis does not abate, the possibilities for reform may expand beyond their current, tight limits.

A Way Forward
The most important single step we can take toward truly reforming our system is to move away from comprehensive health insurance as the single model for financing care. And a guiding principle of any reform should be to put the consumer, not the insurer or the government, at the center of the system. I believe if the government took on the goal of better supporting consumers—by bringing greater transparency and competition to the health-care industry, and by directly subsidizing those who can’t afford care—we’d find that consumers could buy much more of their care directly than we might initially think, and that over time we’d see better care and better service, at lower cost, as a result.

A more consumer-centered health-care system would not rely on a single form of financing for health-care purchases; it would make use of different sorts of financing for different elements of care—with routine care funded largely out of our incomes; major, predictable expenses (including much end-of-life care) funded by savings and credit; and massive, unpredictable expenses funded by insurance.

For years, a number of reformers have advocated a more “consumer-driven” care system—a term coined by the Harvard Business School professor Regina Herzlinger, who has written extensively on the subject. Many different steps could move us toward such a system. Here’s one approach that—although it may sound radical—makes sense to me.

First, we should replace our current web of employer- and government-based insurance with a single program of catastrophic insurance open to all Americans—indeed, all Americans should be required to buy it—with fixed premiums based solely on age. This program would be best run as a single national pool, without underwriting for specific risk factors, and would ultimately replace Medicare, Medicaid, and private insurance. All Americans would be insured against catastrophic illness, throughout their lives.

Proposals for true catastrophic insurance usually founder on the definition of catastrophe. So much of the amount we now spend is dedicated to problems that are considered catastrophic, the argument goes, that a separate catastrophic system is pointless. A typical catastrophic insurance policy today might cover any expenses above, say, $2,000. That threshold is far too low; ultimately, a threshold of $50,000 or more would be better. (Chronic conditions with expected annual costs above some lower threshold would also be covered.) We might consider other mechanisms to keep total costs down: the plan could be required to pay out no more in any year than its available premiums, for instance, with premium increases limited to the general rate of inflation. But the real key would be to restrict the coverage to true catastrophes—if this approach is to work, only a minority of us should ever be beneficiaries.

How would we pay for most of our health care? The same way we pay for everything else—out of our income and savings. Medicare itself is, in a sense, a form of forced savings, as is commercial insurance. In place of these programs and the premiums we now contribute to them, and along with catastrophic insurance, the government should create a new form of health savings account—a vehicle that has existed, though in imperfect form, since 2003. Every American should be required to maintain an HSA, and contribute a minimum percentage of post-tax income, subject to a floor and a cap in total dollar contributions. The income percentage required should rise over a working life, as wages and wealth typically do.

All noncatastrophic care should eventually be funded out of HSAs. But account-holders should be allowed to withdraw money for any purpose, without penalty, once the funds exceed a ceiling established for each age, and at death any remaining money should be disbursed through inheritance. Our current methods of health-care funding create a “use it or lose it” imperative. This new approach would ensure that families put aside funds for future expenses, but would not force them to spend the funds only on health care.

What about care that falls through the cracks—major expenses (an appendectomy, sports injury, or birth) that might exceed the current balance of someone’s HSA but are not catastrophic? These should be funded the same way we pay for most expensive purchases that confer long-term benefits: with credit. Americans should be able to borrow against their future contributions to their HSA to cover major health needs; the government could lend directly, or provide guidelines for private lending. Catastrophic coverage should apply with no deductible for young people, but as people age and save, they should pay a steadily increasing deductible from their HSA, unless the HSA has been exhausted. As a result, much end-of-life care would be paid through savings.

Anyone with whom I discuss this approach has the same question: How am I supposed to be able to afford health care in this system? Well, what if I gave you $1.77 million? Recall, that’s how much an insured 22-year-old at my company could expect to pay—and to have paid on his and his family’s behalf—over his lifetime, assuming health-care costs are tamed. Sure, most of that money doesn’t pass through your hands now. It’s hidden in company payments for premiums, or in Medicare taxes and premiums. But think about it: If you had access to those funds over your lifetime, wouldn’t you be able to afford your own care? And wouldn’t you consume health care differently if you and your family didn’t have to spend that money only on care?

For lower-income Americans who can’t fund all of their catastrophic premiums or minimum HSA contributions, the government should fill the gap—in some cases, providing all the funding. You don’t think we spend an absurd amount of money on health care? If we abolished Medicaid, we could spend the same money to make a roughly $3,000 HSA contribution and a $2,000 catastrophic-premium payment for 60 million Americans every year. That’s a $12,000 annual HSA plus catastrophic coverage for a low-income family of four. Do we really believe most of them wouldn’t be better off?

Some experts worry that requiring people to pay directly for routine care would cause some to put off regular checkups. So here’s a solution: the government could provide vouchers to all Americans for a free checkup every two years. If everyone participated, the annual cost would be about $30 billion—a small fraction of the government’s current spending on care.

Today, insurance covers almost all health-care expenditures. The few consumers who pay from their pockets are simply an afterthought for most providers. Imagine how things might change if more people were buying their health care the way they buy anything else. I’m certain that all the obfuscation over prices would vanish pretty quickly, and that we’d see an end to unreadable bills. And that physicians, who spend an enormous amount of time on insurance-related paperwork, would have more time for patients.

In fact, as a result of our fraying insurance system, you can already see some nascent features of a consumer-centered system. Since 2006, Wal-Mart has offered $4 prescriptions for a month’s supply of common generic medications. It has also been slowly rolling out retail clinics for routine care such as physicals, blood work, and treatment for common ailments like strep throat. Prices for each service are easily obtained; most are in the neighborhood of $50 to $80. Likewise, “concierge care,” or the “boutique” style of medical practice—in which physicians provide unlimited services and fast appointments in return for a fixed monthly or annual fee—is beginning to spread from the rich to the middle class. Qliance Medical Group, for instance, now operates clinics serving some 3,000 patients in the Seattle and Tacoma, Washington, areas, charging $49 to $79 a month for unlimited primary care, defined expansively.

It’s worth pausing over this last example. Many experts believe that the U.S. would get better health outcomes at lower cost if payment to providers were structured around the management of health or whole episodes of care, instead of through piecemeal fees. Medicare and private insurers have, to various degrees, moved toward (or at least experimented with) these sorts of payments, and are continuing to do so—but slowly, haltingly, and in the face of much obstruction by providers. But aren’t we likely to see just these sorts of payment mechanisms develop organically in a consumer-centered health-care system? For simplicity and predictability, many people will prefer to pay a fixed monthly or annual fee for primary or chronic care, and providers will move to serve that demand.

Likewise, what patient, when considering getting an artificial hip, would want to deal with a confusion of multiple bills from physicians, facilities, and physical therapists? Aren’t providers likely to organize themselves to provide a single price to the consumer for care and rehabilitation? And won’t that, in itself, put pressure on providers to work together as efficiently as possible, and to minimize the medical errors that would eat into their joint fee? I suspect we would see a rapid decline in the predominance of the fee-for-service model, making way for real innovation and choice in service plans and funding. And the payment system would not be set by fiat; it would remain responsive to treatment breakthroughs and changes in consumer demand.

Many consumers would be able to make many decisions, unaided, in such a system. But we’d also probably see the rise of health-care agents—paid by, and responsible to, the consumer—to help choose providers and to act as advocates during long and complex care episodes.

How else might the system change? Technological innovation—which is now almost completely insensitive to costs, and which often takes the form of slightly improved treatments for much higher prices—would begin to concern itself with value, not just quality. Many innovations might drive prices down, not up. Convenient, lower-cost specialty centers might proliferate. The need for unpaid indigent care would go away—everyone, recall, would have both catastrophic insurance and an HSA, funded entirely by the government when necessary—and with it much of the rationale for protecting hospitals against competition.

Of course, none of this would happen overnight. And the government has an essential role to play in arming consumers with good information. Congress should require maximum transparency on services, prices, and results (and some elements of the Obama administration’s reform plan would move the industry in this direction). We should establish a more comprehensive system of quality inspection of all providers, and publish all the findings. Safety and efficacy must remain the cornerstone of government licensing, but regulatory bias should favor competition and prevent incumbents from using red tape to forestall competition.

Moving from the system we’ve got now to the one I’ve outlined would be complicated, and would take a long time. Most of us have been paying into an insurance system for years, expecting that our future health-care bills would be paid; we haven’t been saving separately for these expenses. It would take a full generation to completely migrate from relying on Medicare to saving for late-life care; from Medicaid for the disadvantaged to catastrophic insurance and subsidized savings accounts. Such a transition would require the slow reduction of Medicare taxes, premiums, and benefit levels for those not yet eligible, and a corresponding slow ramp-up in HSAs. And the national catastrophic plan would need to start with much broader coverage and higher premiums than the ultimate goal, in order to fund the care needed today by our aging population. Nonetheless, the benefits of a consumer-centered approach—lower costs for better service—should have early and large dividends for all of us throughout the period of transition. The earlier we start, the less a transition will ultimately cost.

Many experts oppose the whole concept of a greater role for consumers in our health-care system. They worry that patients lack the necessary knowledge to be good consumers, that unscrupulous providers will take advantage of them, that they will overspend on low-benefit treatments and under-spend on high-benefit preventive care, and that such waste will leave some patients unable to afford highly beneficial care.

They are right, of course. Whatever replaces our current system will be flawed; that’s the nature of health care and, indeed, of all human institutions. Our current system features all of these problems already—as does the one the Obama reforms would create. Because health care is so complex and because each individual has a unique health profile, no system can be perfect.

I believe my proposed approach passes two meaningful tests. It will do a better job than our current system of controlling prices, allocating resources, expanding access, and safeguarding quality. And it will do a better job than a more government-driven approach of harnessing medicine’s dynamism to develop and spread the new knowledge, technologies, and techniques that improve the quality of life. We won’t be perfect consumers, but we’re more likely than large bureaucracies to encourage better medicine over time.

All of the health-care interest groups—hospitals, insurance companies, professional groups, pharmaceuticals, device manufacturers, even advocates for the poor—have a major stake in the current system. Overturning it would favor only the 300 million of us who use the system and—whether we realize it or not—pay for it. Until we start asking the type of questions my father’s death inspired me to ask, until we demand the same price and quality accountability in health care that we demand in everything else, each new health-care reform will cost us more and serve us less.

$636,687.75
Ten days after my father’s death, the hospital sent my mother a copy of the bill for his five-week stay: $636,687.75. He was charged $11,590 per night for his ICU room; $7,407 per night for a semiprivate room before he was moved to the ICU; $145,432 for drugs; $41,696 for respiratory services. Even the most casual effort to compare these prices to marginal costs or to the costs of off-the-shelf components demonstrates the absurdity of these numbers, but why should my mother care? Her share of the bill was only $992; the balance, undoubtedly at some huge discount, was paid by Medicare.

Wasn’t this an extraordinary benefit, a windfall return on American citizenship? Or at least some small relief for a distraught widow?

Not really. You can feel grateful for the protection currently offered by Medicare (or by private insurance) only if you don’t realize how much you truly spend to fund this system over your lifetime, and if you believe you’re getting good care in return.

Would our health-care system be so outrageously expensive if each American family directly spent even half of that $1.77 million that it will contribute to health insurance and Medicare over a lifetime, instead of entrusting care to massive government and private intermediaries? Like its predecessors, the Obama administration treats additional government funding as a solution to unaffordable health care, rather than its cause. The current reform will likely expand our government’s already massive role in health-care decision-making—all just to continue the illusion that someone else is paying for our care.

But let’s forget about money for a moment. Aren’t we also likely to get worse care in any system where providers are more accountable to insurance companies and government agencies than to us?

Before we further remove ourselves as direct consumers of health care—with all of our beneficial influence on quality, service, and price—let me ask you to consider one more question. Imagine my father’s hospital had to present the bill for his “care” not to a government bureaucracy, but to my grieving mother. Do you really believe that the hospital—forced to face the victim of its poor-quality service, forced to collect the bill from the real customer—wouldn’t have figured out how to make its doctors wash their hands?

END

Source: http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200909/health-care

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Post by roxybeast » August 29th, 2009, 1:54 am

Can Obama Deliver Kennedy's Vision of Universal Health Care?
by Beth Isbell

Posted: Aug. 29, 2009, 1:00 a.m.

Does America truly have the world's best health care system? "After the needless death of his father, David Goldhill, a business executive (and author of a stunning new article in The Atlantic about American health care), began a personal exploration of a health-care industry that for years has delivered poor service and irregular quality at astonishingly high cost. It is a system, he argues, that is not worth preserving in anything like its current form. And the health-care reform now being contemplated will not fix it. Here’s a radical solution to an agonizing problem." I reprinted the article in my health care blog's posts examining and comparing health care systems in other countries to the American system, but here is a direct link to Mr. Goldhill's article. I highly encourage you, whether you are for reform or against it, to read it: http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200909/health-care

With all the recognized problems with the American health care system that almost everybody on both sides can agree exist, why are Americans reluctant to change the system? The next articles examines that question ... http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 03254.html

Part of the problem is that the Administration's argument that "if you like your insurance, you get to keep it" while reassuring, also breeds complacency and apathy among those who actually do have insurance, when instead, they should be rallying around reform. Consider this perspective:
If You Like The Health Insurance You Have Now....
by D. Brad Wright, Doctoral candidate in the department of health policy and management at the University of North Carolina


One of President Obama's key talking points seeks to reassure Americans that are happy with their current coverage that there's no need for them to worry. "If you like the health insurance coverage you currently have, you can keep it," is his mantra. The strategy behind these words is obvious: people who like the status quo are resistant to change, so they need to be assured that health reform doesn't mean change for them. The problem with this approach, however, is that it makes people complacent when they really ought to be anything but.

Sure, health reform is about providing access to coverage for the over 45 million residents who are uninsured, but it is just as importantly about ensuring health security for the rest of Americans who may have coverage, but who are under-insured and/or just a step away from joining the ranks of the uninsured. Here's the kicker: That includes all of us. Does it matter? Well, in 2004, the Institute of Medicine blamed some 18,000 adult deaths a year on a lack of insurance, because of cases where needed care is foregone. I don't know about you, but I'd call that a big deal.

* * *

"But I have insurance," you say. Fair enough, but here's the problem with that. For those of us who enjoy having health insurance through our job, costs are rising so quickly that it is becoming increasingly likely that our employers may decide offering benefits (which they do voluntarily) has become prohibitively expensive. Then we might try to procure coverage in the non-group market, only to find it even more unaffordable. So, there's nothing preventing that pink pie slice above from being flooded by millions of people just like you and I who think we've got health insurance under control.
For those of us who are unfortunate enough to lose our jobs for whatever reason (say, a prolonged economic downturn), we not only lose our coverage, but our incomes. If we're able to find any kind of work at all, I'm sure we'll be happy to learn that the big purple slice of "working poor" will be there to welcome us with open arms. Of course, the alternative is that we'll be non-working poor, and I shouldn't have to tell you that that almost never ends well.

What am I trying to say here? That even those of us who like our current coverage have absolutely no security in that. There's nothing standing between us and being uninsured other than an employer who woke up this morning feeling like they could still afford to provide you and I with insurance. The problem is, if we don't do something to reform the system, costs are going to get so high that one day the employer wakes up and thinks, "I can't run a business like this." Ta-Da! Just like that, you can say goodbye to your coverage. The message all of us need to hear is: "If you like your current coverage, then help us make the system stronger, so you can be sure it will be there for you no matter what."

Why is it so hard to get this across to people? Because we value what we have more than what we don't, and we "feel the pain of losses more than we enjoy the pleasure of gains" according to James Surowiecki who has an excellent piece in the New Yorker that explains why people love the status quo so much. It's why incumbents--even the ones who get handily criticized for the job they're doing--are typically the odds-on favorite to win re-election. The devil we know is almost always preferable to the devil we don't know.

Obama's message is halfway on-target. We do need to reassure people that health reform doesn't mean they will have to give up the coverage that they like so much. At the same time, however, it is imperative that we give people the other side of the story: Without meaningful health reform, there's a very real chance that they will lose the coverage that they have.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/d-brad-wr ... 71060.html
The other thing the Administration's claim does is actually strengthen opposition to reform by those with legitimate reasons to doubt it. Consider these next two articles ... "Will You Be Able to Keep Your Insurance?" ... http://voices.washingtonpost.com/health ... _your.html ... and then examine whether you will be able to do so under the alternative insurance exchange proposal ...
"The Murky Effect of Insurance Exchanges" ... http://voices.washingtonpost.com/health ... rance.html

Perhaps it is time for the Administration to abandon making this promise, one which they likely may not be able to keep under any of the reform proposals being considered, to re-establish their credibility. Even the neutral fact checking cites doubt the President can deliver on this promise. The reality is that real meaningful reform means that there is a risk that you may lose your present coverage, but you may very well in almost every case end up with something better! The better sales pitch is not "don't worry", instead it is to actually convince people that change will be better for them, and for their neighbors. Part of the problem is that the Democrats currently having nothing to sell. Strategy perhaps to avoid attacks, but it's not like that's working. The attacks and fear are rampant. Consider this next article ... "The Democrats' Problem: There's No Health Care Plan to Sell" ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/tom-danto ... 71496.html

The current strategy is not working because it lacks vision. Which is somewhat ironic for this President, who is thought to be a master of vision. It may be time to stand up, take the heat, and convince the American public to do the right thing or simply do it for them ...
Regaining the Momentum on Health Care Reform
by Chris Schifflet


I believe the most direct route to fixing the health care crisis in America would be to leave private insurance companies out of it entirely and have a single payer plan, like they have in Canada. The Democrats could sell that plan using clear, simple language like "Medicare for All." I think the American people would understand that.

But too many Democrats are scared that their corporate benefactors - the drug companies, the insurance companies, the American Medical Assn. -- would shift their campaign contributions to the Republicans for the 2010 mid-terms. That's why we have all this talk about vague half-measures. I can live with a public option that keeps the insurance industry honest and provides Americans with a choice. But the idea of private health care "co-ops" sounds ridiculous. Nobody I know has any clue what that would mean and I doubt anyone in the U.S. Senate could explain it to me in less than 15 minutes. It's a non-starter.

Why am I advocating progressive reform of the health care system? I'm a relatively wealthy guy. My wife, my three kids, and I have great insurance coverage. What do I stand to gain from a public option? The same thing we all stand to gain -- a healthier community that saves money and gets better care across the board. We all have a stake in our society, don't we?

Yes, I'm for the public option, but most Americans (me, too) don't really know what's in Obama's plan. I get the basic idea. People who can't afford private insurance, or who don't like their existing insurance, will have a choice of picking a government insurance program - really, an expansion of Medicare. The providers -- doctors, nurses, dentists, hospitals, clinics -- would be private, like it is now. But the insurance would be paid for by the government. Insurance companies could no longer discriminate against sick people -- including people with "pre-existing" conditions. I like that. I, myself, was denied coverage a few years ago when I moved back to California from New York.

But the right-wing and the media have been confusing folks about what's in the Obama plan. Obama says that if you like your current insurance, you can keep it, but the Limbaugh lunatics say that he's lying and people don't know what to believe. Then they claim that Obama's plan has a "death panel" provision that will decide whether to "pull the plug" on old sick people. There was never anything in the plan like that - and still the Democrats, lacking spine, pulled out a provision that would have protected people making end-of-life choices, which was what the Republicans had spun as somehow tantamount to murder. Thank you, Glenn Beck and Bill O'Reilly.

And what about "rationing"? We have rationing now. That's what the insurance industry is all about. Hillary Clinton said it well during the campaign: The insurance companies "spend tens of billions of dollars a year figuring out how not to cover people" and "how to cherry-pick the healthiest persons, and leave everyone else out in the cold." The bureaucrats standing between people and their doctors work for Aetna, Cigna, WellPoint, HealthNet and the other big insurance companies -- not the federal government.

Public funding, private delivery -- that's what single payer or a public option is about, not the government having control over your health care decisions.

President Obama is a great public speaker. I don't understand why he can't do a better job of explaining his health care plan in simple language and get his message across. How can he let these "tea party" idiots steal his thunder and muddy his message?

The Republicans don't have a health care plan to compete with the Democrats. They just want Obama to lose. Soon after Obama was elected, Rush Limbaugh announced that he wanted the new president to "fail." And recently Republican South Carolina Senator Jim DeMint said, "If we're able to stop Obama on this it will be his Waterloo. It will break him," he said.

That's their whole game.

The right-wingers know what they are AGAINST. But Obama's supporters don't seem to know exactly what they are FOR. This puts progressives like myself in a tough spot.

It isn't too late for Obama to shift the momentum in favor of reform. He needs to make a major speech to explain exactly how the public option would work. He needs to tell us what sort of regulations would be in place to control costs down the road. That's his job.

Source/full story: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/chris-shi ... 71211.html
There is hope and a tremendous opportunity for exactly that type of speech. The moment is now. Senator Kennedy's funeral will be in the morning. The nation anxiously awaits President Obama's remarks. Will he be able to lead the country towards fulfilling Senator Kennedy's dream of universal health care? Or will the dream die by amendment, compromise, and a failure of grit? It has been discussed recently that Sen. Kennedy's greatest regret was not securing universal health care when he had an opportunity under Nixon. This next article examines the history of that situation and reveals, in the end, a remarkable determination by Kennedy not to sacrifice his ideals for true health care reform for the sake of a deal. Will we pass a watered down reform bill or will we carry through with true resolve to pass the legislation that Sen. Kennedy really wanted? http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 03919.html

Meanwhile, the political battle continues.

The AARP and GOP Chairman Steele square off in a fight over winning the support of our seniors ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... r-seniors/

But some point out that Steele's new message on preserving Medicare contradicts the other messages and stated goals of his own party ... http://www.nationaljournal.com/njmagazi ... 8_8654.php
... and that Chairman Steele may be delivering inconsistent messages regarding his and his party's views on Medicare ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -medicare/

Meanwhile, former Republican Presidential candidate and Governor of Arkansas made the outrageous claim on his radio show that under ObamaCare President Kennedy would have been sent home to die earlier ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/2 ... 71605.html ... but it's not just Huckabee, the entire Republican party is also under attack for similar claims, like hinting that the Democrats would seek to deny Republicans health care ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/2 ... 71527.html

The health insurance industry continues to pour tremendous amounts of money into Republican and Blue Dog pockets lobbying hard to block meaningful reform ... http://voices.washingtonpost.com/health ... h_sec.html ... the only reform they seem willing to accept is the kind that hands them 47 million new captive customers without any meaningful regulatory oversight, cost controls, or real competition to keep them in check. In fact, the industry is salivating at new estimates that it may reap ‘Billions of Dollars’ in new revenues from what the legislation would like to see passed ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -overhaul/

The industry vision of reform would leave health care rationing in the hands of profit-minded, greed driven, disconnected executives. Wait, don't they claim that they don't ration? Well, finally one of their executives violated the marching orders, slipped, and let out the truth: they do ration care! ... Consider these next two articles ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/david-sir ... 71068.html ... and ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/david-day ... 71700.html

The Wall Street Journal offered two new articles by Karl Rove and Betsy McCaughey. In the first, Rove blasts the Obama Administration's position on reforming the Medicare Advantage program. In the second, McCaughey attacks the President's health adviser for a statement he had previously made. The N.Y. Times fired back and was quick to point out, that on both fronts, Rove & McCaughey had their facts wrong and that McCaughey was twisting Dr. Emanuel's words out of context. ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... led-views/

Taking true conservatism from a different perspective, the Huffington Post offers us the insight of a regular conservative American - "Joe the Nerd" who preaches that true conservatives should want to rid themselves of unsightly underfunded mandates like requiring employers to provide their employees with health insurance and instead support a single payer approach to unburden their business and payroll of all the costly HR and related headaches they have now. ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joe-the-n ... 71769.html ... and he argues, that by government taking the load off small businesses by removing the direct responsibility of providing health insurance to employees, they will be better able to compete, and because of economies of scale, their employees will actually receive better insurance coverage. Read this, it's funny, but in a very thought provoking way:
Conservative Argument for Healthcare Reform: Part 2:What is the size glove of Adam Smith's Invisible Hand?
by Joe the Nerd Ferraro


excerpt -

The government needs to create an environment where everybody can make a buck.

What about healthcare?

The insurance actuaries know that sick people or old people are not profitable. Cut ‘em loose and we compete in the marketplace. Get the invisible hand lifting our profits!

This is one spot where the government already steps in. Medicaid and Medicare are part of the safety net here. This is a proper use of the government creating an environment for the rest of society to make a buck.

The insurance actuaries also know they make money using the economy of scale. We get a large enough bunch of people, take enough money from each, stick it in a bucket, and pay for the health needs from that. As long as everybody doesn’t get sick at once, we can reinvest and make a nice profit. Everybody is happy. This only works if the group covered is of a large enough size. Kind of like a ponzi scheme.

Nice neat groups to cover people are naturally formed at the workplace. If you work for a company of a large enough size, you are golden. We don’t need government here.

What we have seen over the last couple decades is a hole in the capitalism game. It is not profitable for an insurance company to offer a small employer any products. The ponzi scheme won’t work because you can’t get a big enough wad of cash to stick in the bucket. So, no company offers it at a workable price. It isn’t worth the hassle.

The government has not stepped in here. It is an area where the marketplace cannot get the invisible hand down low enough to for the consumer to grab the product. Kind of like Shaq holding a ball over Ben Stein’s head and making him jump up and down for it.

To keep an environment for business to make money the government needs to step in and cover this hole. Small businesses have a tough enough time getting off the ground on a good day. Keeping a small businessperson’s family insured is a 4 ton weight on their ankle.

Every conservative hawks the capitalist system and cries that they are for the small business guy. The government needs to step in and get Medicaid for small business. We need the government to create the environment where small business can make a buck.

Source/full story: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joe-the-n ... 71770.html
Comparing Steele, Rove & McCaughey's conservative spin to that of Joe the Nerd, ... the Nerd wins. It would be much more cost effective to small business, and even the big ones, to have the government administer health care to their employees at a 2-3% administrative cost margin and with a huge economy of scale to secure & provide comprehensive coverage to their employees, than to continue the present system, where insurance companies regularly drop employees, exclude for pre-existing conditions, cancel policies, jack up rates at the next negotiation, and take 10-20% off the top. Freeing businesses of this burden would let the market actually compete on the terms that it should - who has the best product.

In this interview with Huffington Post, Congressman Waxman discusses the current political situation on the Hill and says that the Republican efforts to block reform are just "pure politics." http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathleen- ... 70419.html

Pure politics which rely in part on spreading fear to generate opposition. Right-wing falsehoods never die, even after they have been soundly disproven time and time again, because they live forever on the internet, as this next article examines ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... never-die/ ... and sometimes, it's just plain confusing to sort out the truth ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/peggy-dre ... 71360.html

False death panel claims did cause lawmakers ultimately to strip provisions to pay for end of life counseling out of the reform bills. Sen. Warner, who helped author those provision, still holds out hope that common sense will prevail and they will be reinserted back into the legislation ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... proposals/

So why all the fear tactics? Well, even when they're false, they work, as NPR examines from a human science perspective ... http://www.npr.org/templates/story/stor ... =112315433

What's the latest block reform fear tactic de jour? Abortion. The next N.Y. Times article takes a closer look at claims that passing health care reform will result in federally funded abortions ...
http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -question/

To counter all the fear, a strange-bedfellows coalition (Families USA, the American Medical Association, the Federation of American Hospitals, the Service Employees International Union and the pharmaceutical industry), have released a new ad entitled "‘Eight Ways’ a Health Care Overhaul Will Help You." Watch it here: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -help-you/

As I've previously suggested in my prior blog posts, the current polls on health care are confusing and suffer from a lack of clarity in asking the right questions, this next article takes a look at that topic and makes suggestions for better polling questions to determine where Americans really stand on health care reform ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/2 ... 71702.html

When dealing with the costs of reform, Princeton Economics Professor Uwe Reinhardt, makes an interesting suggestion - why address costs in the reform legislation at all? Bush got the medicare prescription benefit, which is now estimate to cost hundreds of billions of dollars, passed without including measures to pay for it in the legislation. Now that it is passed, seniors would never think of giving it up, despite the cost, and any politician would commit political suicide for even suggesting that the program be dropped. Reinhardt suggests that a similar approach might be taken to pass reform legislation. ... http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/ ... 9-vs-2003/

And what about Medicare? The agency responsible for Medicare recently released a report and Administration officials continue to argue that some revision is necessary to overhaul sky-rocketing costs and keep the system from going bankrupt, but the goal remains to preserve benefits for seniors, who as a recent article in the N.Y. Times suggested, might have legitimate reason for concern ... you can find both articles here, and decide for yourself whether Medicare cost-control reform really can occur without reductions in benefits to seniors: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... e-changes/

There is some good news on the cost front for the Administration, a new CBO estimates project significant drug savings in the House bill ... http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ouse-bill/

In these next two articles, Dr. Dean Orton and Dr. Andrew Weil propose finding a compromise that promotes the ability of doctors to provide better care. Having read both articles, let me say in advance that I disagree with Dr. Orton that a single-payer approach would not work or be better than the present system, and the only argument he cites for his claim is a "fear of big government" ... and I also disagree with Dr. Weil's claim that we need more tort reform. Putting tort-reform provisions in the legislation will kill the bill. Progressives will overwhelmingly abandon support for any such bill. And further, for reasons pointed out in my prior columns, such provisions are unnecessary as significant caps on jury awards have already been passed in every state and judges already have more than adequate authority to throw out frivolous lawsuits and punish those who bring them with large fines. But not only that, the article by David Goodhill in the Atlantic with which we started this column, aptly demonstrates that insulating doctors from the effects of their mistakes, particularly intentional and grossly negligent ones, does not ensure by any means that they will actually make better decisions. Lawyers who protect families in these situations are not evil and would readily agree to reasonable proposals to eliminate unnecessary procedures where warranted ... (I could go on for hours about this topic, having personally seen the devastating impact that medical arrogance can cause on families, but I won't). So while I agree with the medical suggestions provided by these esteemed physicians, I strongly disagree with aspects of their proposed political solutions, but there is some merit in some of their medical advice worth considering ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dr-dean-o ... 71111.html ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/andrew-we ... 70828.html

So how do we accomplish meaningful reform?

The next article proposes 10 "Simple" Steps to Health Care Reform:
1. Make health insurance mandatory, but make coverage compulsory for insurers. The insurers can't survive if they don't have the healthy people on their rolls as well as the sick, and the healthy young people often opt out. (As it is, the rise of DNA testing is going to change the insurance industry as people use their DNA test results to decide whether or not to buy insurance and what kind to buy. In the future, without mandatory health insurance the system will collapse.)
2. Make everyone pay something - employers, employees, and the unemployed, but make the premiums reflect true costs. Medical care is expensive. Subsidize those who truly can't pay. Become tranparent about the costs of medical care.
3. Regulate insurance companies like utilities, and do it nationally. Allow buyers to buy across state lines.
4. Negotiate with drug companies nationally.
5. Put a limit on jury awards and on legal fees in medical cases. (Note - I disagree that this step is necessary because tort reform has already been done, remember all the campaigns across the country a few years back that overwhelmingly succeeded, and for patient rights and political reasons I discussed above).
6. Go back to the days of banning law firm and drug company advertising. We have created an artificial demand for drugs that treat overactive bladder and restless leg syndrome by re-defining annoyances as sicknesses and creating pills for them at great expense.
7. Make computerization of medical records mandatory within a few years, and subsidize (i.e., tax credits) record conversion to get it done. Introduce uniform applications, medical records, and claims forms nationally, preferably open source.
8. Increase the number of doctors and nurses by providing subsidies and tax benefits to both students and medical educational institutions. Provide some form of loan forgiveness for primary care docs , pediatricians and geriatricians. Not every doctor visit should be to a specialist.
9. Put everyone under the same system. No separate deals for Congress, Federal and State employees, high paid executives, or special groups like retired railroad workers.
10. Basic coverage for everyone, with 5 star benefits only for those who can pay. Not everyone can have a Cadillac.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/francine- ... 71248.html
This next article suggests abandoning the public option in favor of draconian regulation of health insurance which preserves universal coverage and portability. And then work from there. I don't agree that we should provide insurers with almost 50 million new customers without affording a true public option to ensure that costs are kept down, and I fear that by the time the insurance lobbyists and Republicans have carved away at it that the regulations certainly won't be draconian if they even have any teeth left, but it is still an idea worthy of consideration and discussion ... http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 03262.html

One problem I have with a purely regulatory approach is that I, like this Air Force veteran see health care as a basic right & not a commodity. He points out that the US has actually voted not to ratify treaties containing provisions declaring health care is a basic human right: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/terry-hum ... 71648.html and that the debate over universal health care has been going on for the past 100 years ... see this excellent NPR timeline relating to the efforts to obtain reform ... http://www.npr.org/templates/story/stor ... =111089777

Turning the same rationale for protecting Wall Street executives on it's head, Dr. Jon LaPook asks "Where's the Bailout for My Cancer Patients?" ...
“My cancer patients desperately need a bailout. The best way to increase our spending on cancer research responsibly is through health care reform. The Institute of Medicine has estimated that about 20 percent of the annual $2.5 trillion in health care costs is unnecessary. That's $500 billion annually or 100 times the current budget of the National Cancer Institute. There could be no better tribute to Senator Kennedy or wiser investment in our own futures than to fix a broken system that threatens to bankrupt us while inadequately addressing one of our most devastating health problems.” Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dr-jon-la ... 70668.html
We Americans currently live in a country where victims of crime often don't have insurance and do not receive proper care, while the criminals who injure and maim them receive care provided by the state because the Federal Courts have declared that it would be cruel and unusual punishment and violate the 8th Amendment to deny them care, as this next story eloquently points out ... http://www.huffingtonpost.com/shannyn-m ... 71632.html

The inequities of the current American health care system are shocking. If prisoners get government provided comprehensive medical care, why don't their victims? Why don't you or I?

Finally, this next article looks at health care reform through the eyes of the Kennedys and concludes health care is a fundamental right.
Even Camelot Needed Health Care
by Michael Winship, senior writer of the weekly public affairs program Bill Moyers Journal


Toward the end of George McGovern's failed presidential bid in 1972, I was helping advance a bus trip for vice presidential candidate Sargent Shriver. The final weekend of the campaign, his caravan would start in New Hampshire and work its way down the Eastern seaboard, holding rallies along the way and winding up in Washington, DC, just before Election Day.

As we spoke with mayors whose cities would be visited, the draw wasn't Shriver but the news that his brother-in-law, Senator Ted Kennedy, would be accompanying him. Even though Chappaquiddick had taken place just a little more than three years before, it was the Kennedy charisma, the power of that family that still got even the most seasoned local politico excited.

Imagine how popular we were a few days later when we had to go back to tell them Teddy wasn't coming. His bad back from that near fatal plane crash in 1964 made a long bus journey impossible to endure. Shriver still drew crowds but it just wasn't the same.

Nearly twenty years later, I ran into Kennedy on an escalator at the AFL-CIO convention in Detroit as he arrived to make a speech. No bodyguards (visible, anyway), no entourage. I thought that I had never seen him look so healthy and vigorous. The gregariousness that made him such a consummate politician was on full display as we chatted and he loudly greeted union officials as we ascended, each a hail fellow, well met.

To those belonging to the post-baby boomer generations, it may be difficult to comprehend the change that took place in America when Ted Kennedy's older brother Jack became President in 1961 -- although the successful embracing of the Obama candidacy by young people comes close.

As we ended the years of the Eisenhower administration, even though the nation was more prosperous than ever, there was a grayness to everyday life that seemed to shift to Technicolor with the advent of those brief Kennedy years, like Dorothy shaking off the dust of Kansas for Oz.

John F. Kennedy's presidential race against Richard Nixon split my family neatly in two. My dad and older brother were for Nixon, my mother and I favored JFK (but I still have a gold Nixon tie clip my father prized, with an engraved caricature of Tricky Dick that looks more like Bob Hope than the presidential incubus we all came to know and love).

My father and brother came around. I witnessed Kennedy's inauguration on the elementary school's TV set, and was allowed to stay up late to watch the inaugural balls. My mother kept scrapbooks about Jack and Jackie and Caroline and John-John. All of us snapped up stories about family life in the White House and wept when the President died in Dallas. A few years later we would do the same for Bobby.

As time went by we would learn that we had been fooled about a lot of it; that the Wizard was a man behind a curtain, that much of the Camelot legend's glitter was media hype as bogus as fool's gold. But there remained about the Kennedy family a sort of grand, Shakespearean sublimity that applied as equally to the hubris and heartbreak as the good luck and achievement.

Or, in the words of playwright, journalist and Republican Clare Boothe Luce, cited in some of this week's obituaries, "Where else but in gothic fiction, where else among real people could one encounter such triumphs and tragedies, such beauty and charm and ambition and pride and human wreckage, such dedication to the best and lapses into the mire of life; such vulgar, noble, driven, generous, self-centered, loving, suspicious, devious, honorable, vulnerable, indomitable people?"

But how interesting that despite their grossest and most callow foibles and failings, throughout the life and times of the three Kennedy brothers who survived their older brother Joe there was a deep, moral concern for the nation's health that continued right up through Ted Kennedy's death. Notice in their memories of him this week how many friends and colleagues mentioned help that Senator Kennedy got for them during medical crises of their own.

Vice President Joe Biden remembered that when his two sons were recovering from the car crash that took the life of his wife and daughter in 1972, Kennedy "was on the phone with me literally ever day in the hospital... I'd turn around and there would be some specialist from Massachusetts, a doc I had never even asked for, literally sitting in the room with me."

And in Thursday's Washington Post, Howard Kurtz reported that, "Chris Matthews, a Type 2 diabetic, spoke of Kennedy calling him with advice after the 'Hardball' host had an attack of hypoglycemia. Paul Begala, a Democratic strategist, recalled on CNN that when his father had received a cancer diagnosis, Kennedy called and 'gave me the name of one of the world's foremost experts in cancer treatment. He said, "He's expecting your call. I just talked to him." And he helped pave the way to get my father the treatment that, frankly, saved his life.'"

Perhaps such concern was inspired by the example of the matriarch Rose's selfless devotion to service in the name of the Catholic Church or simply all the time the Kennedy family has spent in hospital wards through the years, nursing or mourning their own.

The first time I ever heard the dreaded phrase "socialized medicine" was during John F. Kennedy's presidency, when the GOP fought his administration's attempts at health care reform. And during his own, all too brief presidential campaign in 1968, when Bobby Kennedy told audiences that decent medical care should not be a luxury of the rich, he quoted Aristotle: "If we believe men have any personal rights at all, then they must have an absolute moral right to such a measure of good health as society can provide."

The only one of the brothers to live beyond the age of fifty and make it to senior citizenship, Ted Kennedy honed his skills as a legislator over nearly as many decades in the US Senate, and universal health care was, in his words, the cause of his life.

Through his years there, Kennedy pushed for it incrementally with the Americans with Disabilities Act, creation of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (S-Chip), the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act allowing folks to hang onto their insurance after leaving a job, the creation of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), increased funds for AIDS and cancer research and community medical centers.

But many believe the time for increments has passed. In Edward Moore Kennedy's name, it's time to do the right thing, the big thing; time to revive flagging support and step up to universal reform. Already there has been far too much shouting and far too little healing.

In Newsweek last month, Kennedy wrote with his longtime speechwriter and advisor Bob Shrum, "I've thought in an even more powerful way than before about what this will mean to others. And I am resolved to see to it this year that we create a system to ensure that someday, when there is a cure for the disease I now have, no American who needs it will be denied it."

Ted Kennedy, resolute in his faith and passionately, unabashedly liberal to the last breath, said he wanted "a good ending for myself." Universal health care -- at its best with a public option -- would be it.


Michael Winship is senior writer of the weekly public affairs program Bill Moyers Journal, which airs Friday night on PBS. Check local airtimes or comment at The Moyers Blog at www.pbs.org/moyers.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michael-w ... 71424.html
Mr. President, the time is now. The moment is here. The nation is ready. Massachusetts will deliver the last vote when it is needed. This is your opportunity to lead America into a new future. One in which my children, and yours, and our neighbors, will always have health care when they need it on their journey to fulfill the American Dream.

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Post by roxybeast » August 29th, 2009, 2:35 am

Bill Moyer's Journal was right on the money tonight! Great show addressing why we need health care reform to take the profit motive out of the system ... watch it here: http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/08282009/watch.html
Bill Moyer's Journal
"Money Driven Medicine"
Friday, Aug. 28, 2009

BILL MOYERS: Welcome to the Journal.


The world of medicine has changed radically since I was a kid in East Texas. Back then, Dr. Sam Tenney made house calls for a couple of bucks a visit. Dr. Granbury raced to a patient's side with such speed you could hear his tires screeching around the courthouse square blocks away. And if you needed a prescription, Dr. Wyatt would offer to drop it off at your door on his way to the hospital - a non-profit community hospital, by the way, run by civic-minded citizens who counted every penny.

If any of them were around today, they would surely marvel at our high-tech medicine. But as prudent folks, they would also marvel - in a horrified way, I think - at the cost of it all. How did we get here?

Maggie Mahar wanted to find out. She's one of our best financial journalists - now, after years of research, she has written: MONEY-DRIVEN MEDICINE: THE REAL REASON HEALTH CARE COSTS SO MUCH. During their summer recess, if every member of the House and Senate would read it before returning to Washington, the outcome of the health care debate might be very different.

In this broadcast we will share with you a film based on Maggie Mahar's work. The book and the film couldn't be more timely as our country wrestles with what to do about money-driven medicine.

* * *

DR. NORFLEET: He's complaining of vomiting blood. It's been going on for a month so it's not really considered an emergency anymore. It's considered a chronic problem, but we get a lot of patients like that, that the emergency department is the only place they know they can go to, to maybe address their problem.

He didn't have the luxury of having a primary care provider, which is a luxury in this country, which is kind of sad. We're like the richest country, you know, and a lot of our people don't have doctors so they use the emergency department in order to see a physician.

* * *

MAGGIE MAHAR: Over the last 12 years a number of people visiting America's emergency rooms has soared. Yet here's what's surprising: The number of low-income people going to ERs has not increased. The increase has come almost entirely among middle-class people and many of them have insurance.

* * *

MAGGIE MAHAR: So why do they go to the ER? Why aren't they seeing their own doctor? Many people think that they know what's wrong with the health care system in this country. Millions of people are uninsured. And sure, that's part of the problem. But that's not the whole problem. The whole problem is bigger than that.

* * *

DR. JOHN NIXON: There're just not enough resources out there for, not only your uninsured patients, but also your insured patients. Insured patients have a problem also because their doctors, when they call their office and says, "I need to see…" … "We can't see you for three weeks." "Well, what am I going to do for three weeks?"

* * *

Health care costs keep going up, up and up and up. But the access seems to be going down down down down.

* * *

MAGGIE MAHAR: When I was a financial journalist at Barrens, I wrote many stories about health care. And what I learned was that much of what we think we know about health care isn't true. And much of what is true is counterintuitive. So eventually I decided to write a book about health care. And when I did I knew I wanted to talk to a lot of doctors. So I began putting out phone calls. I didn't know most of the doctors I was calling. I was hoping that maybe 20 percent of them would return my call. To my utter surprise 5 out of 6 of them called me back. And they talked. They talked for 30 minutes. They talked for longer than that. They said, "Please, we want someone to know. Please tell people." To a man and to a woman what they were most passion about was the declining quality of care in this country. Not about how much they were paid or how much they weren't paid. They were concerned about the quality of care, about what was happening to their profession and how little power they had to do anything about it.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: It is, I guess, politically correct, widely believed, that to say that American health care is the best in the world. It's not. There's a much more complicated story there. For some kinds of care my colleague Brent James calls it rescue care. Yes, we're the best in the world. If you need very complex cardiac surgery or very advanced chemotherapy for your cancer or some audacious intervention with organ transplantation, you're pretty lucky to be in America.

You'll get it faster and you'll probably get it better than in at least most other countries. Rescue care we're great. But most health care isn't that. Most health care is getting people with diabetes through their illness over years or controlling the pain of someone with arthritis or just answering a question for someone who is worried or preventing them from getting into trouble in the first place. And on those scores: Chronic disease care, community-based care, primary care, preventive care. No no, we're no where near the best. And it's reflected in our outcomes.

We're something like the… We're not the best health care system in the world in infant mortality rates. We're like number 23. There is an index that is used in rating health care systems, which is the rate of mortality that could have been prevented by health care. There are at least a dozen countries with lower rates of preventable mortalities than the United States and not one of those countries spends 60 percent of what we do on health care.

MAGGIE MAHAR: Dr. Donald Berwick is a pediatrician and a revolutionary, really. He wants to overthrow a health care system he sees shot through with waste, inefficiency, self- interest and disrespect for patients. Berwick believes that the people working in our health care system are by and large dedicated and caring people, but they're stuck in a stupid system. And he calls that a national tragedy.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: If you look at the way we pay for care in the country and say, "Well, what is the underlying theme here?" We pay for doing things. A piece of surgery, performing a test, doing a procedure. Even a visit is a thing. So specialties or medical practices that do a lot of things, a lot of tests, a lot of surgeries, a lot of procedures; They'll tend to be the higher income earning specialties.

Medical students leave medical school today with enormous debts. Primary care specialties are the lowest paying. If you have a choice between taking 15 years to pay off your debt or seven, you might decide on seven, and that means you can't be a primary care doctor.

* * *

MAGGIE MAHAR: What's interesting about the fee schedule is that it's all about what it costs the doctor to produce the service in terms of time and education. Never does anyone ask, "How much benefit is there for the patient?" This might be a service that, on average, lengthens the patient's life by 5 months, as opposed to having your diabetes controlled for 30 years, which means that you live a lot longer and you never have an amputation. And yet we would pay much more for that technically very skilled procedure that gave you another couple of months, because we look at it entirely in terms of the work on the part of the doctor rather than the benefit to the patient.

* * *

MAGGIE MAHAR: So we don't value primary care doctors, generalists, family doctors highly at all. The compensation is relatively low and that's why we have fewer and fewer of them.

DR. DAN LARSON: Albany Med's Internal Medicine residency this year, I believe, none of them are going to primary care. They're all going to sub specialize in cardiology, gastroenterology, endocrinology, etc. I believe it's none are going into primary care.

* * *

KRYSTAL IRIZARRY: Finances does play into the decision. People say that going into primary care can be a burden compensation-wise and the worry about their future. What does the future hold in terms of health care? It's really hard to make a decision. I wish there was an easy way.

DR. DAN LARSON: If the dollars to dollars ratio were even vaguely similar to specialty and primary care, I'd choose it again every time. I like the variety. I like doing different things. I wouldn't like doing the same thing all day long. And I'm willing to take an income hit to be primary care, but it's affected the quality of primary… the ability to deliver quality primary care in this country, because not enough people are going into it and, makes it harder to put together an integrated system. And everyone pretty much acknowledges that if someone doesn't have a primary care doctor they go to multiple specialists, there is more duplication of services at higher total health care cost.

* * *

LARRY CHURCHILL: There are very few relationships in which we're asked to take off our clothes and be examined by people with the idea that it's going to be safe to do that and tell them about intimate parts of our history that we probably don't tell anyone else about. That makes it special. That's making oneself vulnerable and sometimes a fairly profound way. Or going under anesthesia for an operation. If someone says, "I'm going to put you to sleep and we're going to cut you open and do certain things to you and it is all going to be fine and good for you," that's a pretty big leap of faith.

MAGGIE MAHAR: Larry Churchill is a bio-ethicist and one of the heroes of his profession. A discipline that struggles with the hardest moral questions regarding medicine. He doesn't just ask his students to wrestle with end of life care or stem cell research. He takes a clear-eyed look at the most difficult ethical questions regarding how you deliver care in a profit driven system.

LARRY CHURCHILL: We're now treating medicine as if it were an industrial product. Through put. How many units of care can you deliver? The idea that you are going to see a patient on average for between 12 and 15 minutes, no matter what their condition or how many kinds of problems they have or how complicated their diagnoses or how much reassurance they might need is an idea that you can treat medicine like a production line product and you can turn out patients in the same way like we produce widgets. That's a commercialization and an industrialization of the relationship. So this is a system which is fundamentally broken in terms of the kind of conflicts it raises in the minds of physicians and, also, in the minds of the patients.

* * *

DR. ANDREY ESPINOZA: You can't just fix things in medicine. Medicine is a process. It's a duration of treatments that occurs over the course of somebody's lifetime. Yeah, there are things that we do that are very systematic and very matter of fact, so to speak, where you fix and "boom" they're are on their way, but it's just not a good way to develop a relationship. You need a rapport, you need trust, you need that patient, you know, having the ability to say, you know, "Yeah, Dr. Espinoza, that's my doctor."

* * *

DR. ESPINOZA: The thing I miss most is being able to sit in a room and talk to a patient for an hour. But, you know, we're so compressed with our time and the amount of patients we have to see, you know, 15 minutes is a long time these days. That's a long time. Basically, you know, you get on the assembly line.

* * *

It doesn't allow you to have an intimate relationship with somebody without someone else trying to always pry, you know, that relationship apart.

PATIENT: Because you had told me to go to White House, I think, and I couldn't get there because they told me my insurance wouldn't cover it.

DR. ESPINOZA: Ah, okay.

The insurance companies, you know, are clearly in the room with us. You know, employers are in the room with us. You know, you get into these issues of out of network, in network; we're only going to pay 20 percent of your hospital visit versus 50 percent if you go to this hospital. These are all brokered deals and negotiated contracts and things like that, that in larger insurance companies have with specific hospitals, which specific testing centers. You know, so you're dealing with a lot of things that, you know, this is not stuff that's taught at medical school, this is not stuff that, you know, your partners are familiar with other than being exposed to it. You know, and we've kind of turned the blind eye or done the ostrich thing with, you know, burying our heads in the sand saying, "You know what, we're just doctors we want to just deal with what we do." But all of those other entities now live in our bed, in our bedroom with us. You know, you can't just pay attention to your wife and go to sleep at night. You're sleeping with six or seven other people that are trying to break your marriage up. That's a big problem. That's a big problem.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: When you go see the doctor and the doctor listens to you and then sends you a bill, there's profit in that bill. That's the doctor's income after he or she has paid the receptionist and the lights and heat and the rent and the equipment. He keeps the rest. That's profit. Just as long as it's a human enterprise, yeah, at some level, someone's got to make some money or why would… they won't do it. So we're going to have profit even if you call it a non-profit system. What are the incentives? Right now the incentives in America are if you want profit, do more. You make money by doing stuff and there's no limit. So we do and do and do and we get this oversupply, this excess activity because that's how people, hospitals, doctors make money.

* * *

Does the hospital like you doing lots of procedures? Sure, you know, these procedures are reimbursed, fairly substantially. You know, even within your own group there is a component of productivity. You know, you wish things would just be about taking care of patients and doing the right things but, you know, are there external pressures? Absolutely. Absolutely.

* * *

DR. ANDREY ESPINOZA: But, at the end of the day, if you just remember the fundamental principle that you have to have done something for that patient in order to make them feel better, live longer, you know, engage in a lifestyle that they weren't able to engage in before, and if you stick to those principles, it allows you not to, kind of, drift from what you know is right and fall in to this arena where, you know, you're just slamming a stint in every blockage that you see. Because if you did that, then clearly it becomes… I would hate to use the term immoral, but it becomes an issue where you are doing things just to do them, not because it's the right thing to do.

DR. LARRY CHURCHILL: There's an awful lot of technology involved even in ordinary outpatient kind of encounters now. We have been so good at finding new and innovative ways to treat illness, and we love this. The idea that technologies can be turned into cures is really a fundamental thing in our society.

DR. JIM WEINSTEIN: I'd like to suggest that if we looked at the population of people with a problem: Back pain. And said how many MRI's do you think we need to do as a nation? We could probably cut the number in half and not have hurt anybody. Yet we keep opening more and more MRI machines and do more and more pictures. They're beautiful, they're incredible- incredible technology. But then that causes somebody to have to make a decision about a back surgery that maybe they didn't need.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: I think the main driver, the difference between our costs and other countries costs that have health care systems as good or better than ours, is supply-driven care. It's this work that Elliot Fisher and Jack Wennberg have explored at Dartmouth. It's that we overbuild and, therefore, we use, and there's no limits, there's no cap, there's no control. And so we just spin the wheel.

MAGGIE MAHAR: What's truly staggering is how much waste there is in our health care system. Up to one out of every three of the more than two trillion dollars that we spend is wasted on ineffective, often unproven procedures, overpriced drugs and devices that are no better than the drugs and devices that they're replacing. Unnecessary hospitalizations, unnecessary tests. Now this may seem like an overstatement. I mean, how can it be that 1/3 of the money is wasted? We actually have close to three decades of research done by doctors at Dartmouth University proving how much waste there is in the system. What the Dartmouth research ended up doing was looking at health care all across the country and what they discovered is that in some high treatment states, like New Jersey, Medicare was spending 20 percent more per patient than the average. And in other low treatment states, like Iowa, Medicare was spending 25 percent less than average. They tended to focus in on what happened to patients during their final two years of life.

So in that way you're comparing apples to apples, pretty sick patients, and they began looking at sick patients who had the same disease etcetera- Finding these enormous differences in what Medicare spent. Some people said, "Well maybe patients in New Jersey are simply more demanding than the stoic citizens of Iowa." But, in fact, very few people demand a chance to spend more days in the hospital during their final two years of life. Very few people cry out for a chance to die in an ICU or to have that fourth procedure or to be poked and prodded by eleven or twelve specialists during your final six months of life. In the states where Medicare spends more, these are the things that happen to people.

They're getting more aggressive, intensive, and expensive care. And here's the stunner: The outcomes are no better. Often they are worse on average in states like New Jersey or New York or California than they are in low treating states like Iowa or North Dakota.

RASHI FEIN: You have a situation where the doctor provides a service, is paid for providing this service, and controls, to a significant extent, the demand for that service. It's not I saying, "I'm going to get a high definition television." This is a doctor saying, "You ought to have a high definition television." More correctly, "You ought to have an MRI or a cat scan. It's called for in this situation." Who in the world? I don't have the ability to say "Is this MRI necessary?"

MAGGIE MAHAR: The fact of the matter is that insurance companies tried saying no in the 90s, in that era of manage care, when the great many HMOs would say, "No, we're not going to pay for that." The problem is that HMOs made their decisions on what they are going to pay for based, too often, simply on cost. If something was too pricy, they would say no. But they weren't looking at the quality of the procedure. They weren't asking, "Well, would it really benefit the patient?" They were simply saying, "Well, where does it fit on our schedule of costs?" So, sometimes, they denied ineffective, unnecessary, expensive care and sometimes they denied very good, effective, expensive care.

There was a backlash, needless to say, in the media, on the part of patients, on the part of doctors, so by the late 90s HMOs began to say, "Okay, okay, we won't try to manage care. By and large, we will pay for whatever Medicare pays for. Medicare tends to pay for whatever the FDA approves. We'll just pass the cost along to you in the form of higher premiums." And that's why, since 1998-99, premiums have just skyrocketed.

REPORTER: In fact the average total premium for a family of four last year topped ten grand.

REPORTER 2: Doctors here in Boston say they're seeing an increasing number of patients who cannot afford the most basic preventative health measures, like a blood test.

REPORTER 3: 72 million Americans had trouble paying for medical care last year.

REPORTER 4: Hospital bills are now a leading cause of personal bankruptcy.

DR. JAMES WEINSTEIN: I think it's interesting that a country that has a 12-trillion dollar budget spends a sixth of it on health care. And our work would suggest that we're not spending it wisely.

The Dartmouth slogan is "Vox clamantis in deserto," which is that voice crying out in the wilderness, and I thought it was a good analogy for me because I came here because I heard another voice, Jack Lindberg, talking about the disparities in the delivery of our health care system and the irrationality of its utilization. And, now, having been here for 12 or so years, I realize it's an uphill battle. You can't fight city hall, but we're going to try.

MAGGIE MAHAR: In the early 1990s Dr. Jim Weinstein made a courageous decision. He decided to walk away from tenure and an endowed chair in the University of Iowa to go to Dartmouth, where he would participate in devising ways to help patients become involved in making decisions about their own care. As a surgeon, Weinstein had long felt that patients just weren't getting a fair shake, as he put it. They weren't getting the information they needed about the risks of treatments. Too often, informed consent was informed persuasion. Ultimately, illness in his own family would drive that lesson home.

DR. JAMES WEINSTEIN: My daughter's name is Brieanna. She had beautiful blue eyes, curly brown hair; your first child, the light of your life. 13 months later I get a call from our pediatrician saying, "Could you come over to the hospital?" And I walk into the pediatrics hospital and I ask my wife what's wrong and she says, "They won't tell me. They won't tell me." The doctor walks in with about, it seems like, 10 other people other people. Very intrusive. And said, "I think your daughter has leukemia and we need to treat her, immediately."

The protocol for a treatment was very intense chemotherapy. She would lose her hair quickly. She would be sick. She would develop sores in her mouth. She wouldn't be able to eat because of sores from the chemotherapy in her esophagus. She would have all kinds of rashes. Her blood counts would be almost zero so her risk of infection would be very high. We couldn't take her any place. She had to be protected. And it sounds, "Well, that's not so bad, we can do that for a week." But the protocol was for 3 years. She did pretty well for about, I think, 2 years and then the leukemia came back. And they said, "We need to re-induce her with the bad medicines again and we have to consider brain and spinal radiation.

So spinal taps every day for three weeks." I said, "I don't get it. I mean, you just told us if we followed this protocol, these are the results. We did everything you said and it is still not working. And now you want us to do something worse." "Well, you have no choice and if you don't do that we will sue you." I said, "What?" "If you don't do what we tell you, we'll sue you."

MAGGIE MAHAR: Why would doctors threaten to sue a parent whose child is dying? In all probability, the physicians were concerned that if they didn't followed the protocol and go on with the further treatment that they had planned to give her, they might be sued for malpractice. Even though the doctors couldn't explain the protocol or give them any assurance that they knew that the next treatments would do Brieanna any good.

In a way, I think it's a response to the uncertainty that they say, "We are the doctors. We know what we're doing and this is the way we do it and this is what we do next." And if anyone, whether it is a resident, a patient or a relative, says, "Well, why?" They say, "Because it's the way we do it. Period."

DR. JAMES WEINSTEIN: You know, doctors are trained, I hope, in every case to think about what's best for the person that they are taking care of. They're trained to give medications, to do operations, to measure different tests with blood sugars or blood pressures. They're not really trained well in this decision process of giving information to patients to empower them to make decisions. That is a big short fall in the American health care system.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: We have really good data that show when you take patients and you really inform them about their choices, patients make more frugal choices. They pick more efficient choices than the health care system does. Wonderful work of a researcher named Annette O'Connor studied patient shared decision-making with respect to surgery. What she found across a range of studies was when patients actually got to participate in the decision, surgery rates fell by almost 25 percent. And satisfaction in outcomes improved. So an activated patient really engaged. I'm not talking about payment here. I'm not talking about shifting burden of cost. Just engaged with knowledge and shared decision- making. Better outcomes, lower cost, higher satisfaction. You know, what more could you want?

COMMERCIAL: Intensive care requires a finely orchestrated team led by physicians and nurses passionate about patient care.

COMMERCIAL 2: Some of the world's finest…

MAGGIE MAHAR: It's interesting how hospitals advertise. Who would make a decision about where to have their baby or where to be treated for cancer based on an ad they saw on TV?

COMMERCIAL 3: Number one for heart surgery in New York State.

COMMERCIAL 4: A magnet hospital for nursing excellence.

MAGGIE MAHAR: Hospitals are not advertising to the patient. Hospitals are advertising to doctors. Hospitals don't have patients, doctors have patients. And hospitals want doctors to bring their well-healed, well-insured patients to that hospital.

COMMERCIAL 5: Our award winning full service cardiology department has been nationally recognized as the best in the region. And in the…

MAGGIE MAHAR: Hospitals have engaged in, what many call, a "medical arms race".

COMMERCIAL 6: Using advanced micro technology physicians determine…

MAGGIE MAHAR: Typically, 4 or 5 hospitals within a 5 mile, 10 mile, 15 mile radius will all buy the same technology because they're competing with each other.

COMMERCIAL 7: When you need us, rest assured, we will deliver an exceptional performance.

MAGGIE MAHAR: One time Dr. Donald Berwick called a hospital in Texas and said, "We've heard you have a very good procedure for treating a particular disease. We'd like to learn more about your protocol so other hospitals can use it." And the hospital said, "We can't tell you that. It's a competitive advantage in our market that we're better at treating this disease and it is very lucrative. So this is proprietary information."

DR. DONALD BERWICK: We believe in markets, right? Isn't that the American way? Well, markets mean competition. Isn't that the American way? Competition makes things come out right. Well, what does that mean in health care? More hospitals so they compete with each other. More doctors compete with each other. More pharmaceutical companies. We set up war. Wait a minute, let's talk about the patient. The patient doesn't need a war.

MAGGIE MAHAR: The patient isn't the center of a collaboration. The patient is the victim of a competition. There's a saying in Swahili, "When…" I can't remember this one… "When the elephants fight the grass is trampled." The patient is essentially the grass.

SONG: If you've got the money, honey, I've got the time. We'll go honky tonkin'. We're gonna have a time. We'll hit all the night spots, dance, drink beer and wine. If you got the money, honey, I've got the time.

* * *

MAGGIE MAHAR: Clifton Meador has had many careers. He's been an author, a family doctor, an epidemiologist, a health care administrator and the youngest ever Dean of the University of Alabama Medical School. Over the years, he's watched the business of health care turn into a driving force in the US economy. Much of it headquartered in Nashville.

DR. CLIFTON MEADOR: This is Marilyn Way. Marilyn Way is a center road of Marilyn Farms. Marilyn Farms is a huge complex. The predominant business in here is health care corporations of one sort or another. This goes on and on for over a mile here and this is not called for-profit hospital row, or anything like that, but this, this is the equivalent of the music row that we went down for the recording industry.

SONG: If you've got the money, honey, I've got the time. We'll go honky tonkin'. We're gonna have a time. But if you run short of money, I'll run short of time. 'Cause you with no more money, honey, I've no more time.

DR. CLIFTON MEADOR: This is titled "The Nashville Health Care Industry, The Family Tree 2006." Every little square here is a health care business industry or spin-off. We have 3 mother corporations here: HCA, which is the Hospital Corporation of America, spun off all of these. Hospital Affiliates, which is a spin-off of HCA, spun off all of these. And Health Trust, which is a spin of Hospital Affiliates and HCA, spun off all of these. So this is a massive, industrial health complex that's headquartered here in Nashville.

MAGGIE MAHAR: After World War II, while other countries let their government begin to intervene in health care to make sure everyone got care, to regulate it to make sure it was good care, in this country doctors very, very strongly opposed any government involvement or anyone being involved in telling a doctor what to do. After Medicare was passed in 1965, elderly patients were getting far more care than they had been before then.

Then that's when our industrial medical complex, I would say, took off. By the early 70s, there were so much money involved that suddenly people began to say, "You know what? Medicine is too important to be managed by doctors. We all know doctors are bad managers. What we need are businessmen managing health care." And that's when health care went from being physician centered and controlled, to a large degree, by doctors to being controlled by the corporation and the CEOs of those corporations.

And, over time, more and more the CEO of the Hospital would not even be somebody with a MD. He would be somebody with a MBA. And CEOs bent on growth, bent on higher quarterly earnings, quarter after quarter, and year after year, are always pushing for more sales, more revenues, more and more and more. It produces more. But more may not be better for our health.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: I've heard it said that the official bird of health care is a crane. Look around at any hospital in your community there's a crane on top adding rooms. You know, we just, we overbuilt it. And then, having overbuilt it, we use it and then we think using it is necessary. It's a spiral.

RASHI FEIN: The worst thing that could happen to a director of a hospital is that everybody, all of the sudden, would be healthy. I'm not saying that he's overjoyed when there's an epidemic. Clearly, he isn't. I'm not saying that he's overjoyed when people are sick. Clearly, they're decent folks. But they're running something where what they are selling is hospital beds.

MAGGIE MAHAR: If you can believe it, Rashi Fein has survived 5 decades of the battle for health care reform. In 1953 he served on President Truman's commission on the health needs of America at a time when Truman was pushing for universal coverage. Then he worked with JFK when he fought unsuccessfully for Medicare, a battle that LBJ would later win. As a professor of medical economics at Harvard, Fein has never given up. He firmly believes that medicine should not be all about money. As he puts it, "We live in a society not just in an economy."

RASHI FEIN: Well, we spend more than any other country and we spend a higher percentage of our gross domestic product and our gross domestic product is larger than most other countries'. So we are spending per capita one heck of a lot more than anybody else, which ought to be disturbing, if only because there are lots of other things we could be doing with money. We could have more money for education or more money for infrastructure or more money for bridges and transportation or we could put money into high- speed trains or we could have tax cuts.

On the other hand somebody could say, "Well, we have chosen to spend money on health care and that's also a good thing." True. But interestingly, disturbingly, frighteningly, pick your own word, we spend more money and we are not healthier. We don't live longer. We don't seem to be getting as much value for money.


LARRY CHURCHILL: It shouldn't be any surprise that there is a huge disconnect between the amount of dollars that actually poured into health care and the health indicators of a population because this system was not designed to serve this end. That's a fundamental realization that we need to come to. And until we do I think, you know, we'll still be trying to tinker with the market in some kind of funny way. Just a little tweak or adjustment to make it work better, but it was never designed, actually, to meet health care needs.

DR. JAMES WEINSTEIN: We got through and had a few weeks over the years of no treatment and everyday without a smile. Ever. She was a great big sister. They had a lot of fun together as sisters. I was in Germany giving a lecture and I could tell in my wife's voice something was wrong when I called home. Gone one day. And she wouldn't tell me that she'd had another relapse. I got home from Germany, and she said, you know, "Brieanna relapsed again." So I picked my daughter up and I hugged her.

You know, said, "This isn't possible. We've done everything." So back to the doctor. Another protocol. Radiation she has to be put to sleep for, she has to be taped down onto a table. Imagine the effects of radiation on your child's brain, on the spinal chord when it's developing. Will there be brain damage, doctor? "Oh, your daughter's so smart, there'll be no problem." Will she get a secondary tumor from the radiation? "Oh, it's possible, but it's twenty years away." "Oh, okay. I guess I'm supposed to just accept that." We take her for radiation.

She'd have to go for five days in a row. They'd put her to sleep. She'd come home and she, we couldn't comfort her. We had to put padding all around the room so she wouldn't hurt herself. It upset her so much and bothered her brain so much. Am I helping her? Am I hurting her? Is this barbaric? Is this treatment? Eventually, she had her final relapse when she was twelve. Her sister, Shelsey, is probably about eight at this time. And I said, "Shelsey, I think your sister's going to go to heaven soon."

And she grabbed my hand, and she said, "Daddy, that's okay." She said, "I always thought heaven is where life is and that life is just a dream." I said, "Shelsey, I hope you're right. I hope this is just a dream and that we're going to go some place where life really is." And I've always… that's such a profound statement, for anybody. It made such incredible sense to me. When Shelsey and I went for a walk, her sister died.

* * *

DR. KEITH JUNIOR: Medicine is everything I thought it would be and a whole bunch of things I didn't put into the equation. But I just love doing what I do so much that it just doesn't bother me to do those extra things. I'm willing to go the extra mile, because, hey, this is somebody's mother, this is somebody's father, this is somebody's brother. And if I don't do right by them, just understand, people die in my profession. Unlike other professions where, oh, I get a recall, I'll tell you what, I'll give you a free sandwich… No. I can't get you a free momma. You can't have mine. Mine is good. And you just have to keep the one you've got and I'm going to help you do things to keep her around.

* * *

DR. KEITH JUNIOR: What I try to do is to make sure that I inform my patients and get them to understand what's going on with them. Inform them of what's going on.

Yeah. She may not have got it right. It's even higher. You should have taken the one she gave you.

You know, let the patient know. You've got a stake in it. It's not something magical I'm going to do, you know, wave my wand and you're going to be better. I don't. I mean, you've got high blood pressure; you will have high blood pressure when you leave here. But I'm going to give you a way in which you can manage the problem. And, so, manage the problem. Just don't stand there. Do something.

* * *

DR. KEITH JUNIOR: Prevention is the key and we in this trench need to make sure we prevent certain things, rather than wait for certain things to happen.

* * *

DR. KEITH JUNIOR: You'll always have a bill, but the thing is, you can't always have good health. That's a window, something you work on, and if you've got it, maybe you can keep it. And even that's not a promise. But, the thing is, if you ignore it and neglect it, we can expect to have more recs of people who want to end up in the emergency room and when they go to the emergency room, they find that they have metastatic cancer. That's just not the way it's supposed to work. You know, access to care, and someone who does care about what's going on, not the dollar that comes into your pocket, but actually cares about that person, what they represent, is what we need more of.

MAGGIE MAHAR: A physician takes an oath to put his patient's interests ahead of his own. A corporation is legally bound to put its shareholders' interests first. And this is part of the inherent conflict between health care as a business, part of our economy, and health care as a public good and part of our society. Health care has become a growth industry. That means higher health care bills. That means more and more middle class people cannot afford health care in this country.

LARRY CHURCHILL: For Americans right now I think the primary question is, "How vulnerable am I in terms of the current system? Am I just a pink slip away from being uninsured and potentially uninsurable?" And I think there's a very profound question about whether we are creating a health care system that is sustainable over time. Some people have suggested, and I agree with them, that, actually, the end product of all of this mess and confusion in technological innovation, is going to be a system that cannot be sustained, because it will be so expensive that only the extremely well to do, the elite, will have access to it.

DR. ANDREY ESPINOZA: When you have a system that's built around generation of revenue, when that revenue is going somewhere, and that money is not being put back into the system to help people, you've really kind of lost, you know, we've lost our way.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: I think that health care improvement at the systemic level has some of the properties of major social movements in this country: civil rights, environment. So many oxes to be gored, and a lot of people with oxen that won't get gored but think they will. And this, you know, the coalition of the people who would be better off and the people who are needlessly afraid of change, that is, they don't need to be afraid of change but they are, that's an immense coalition. That's eighty percent of America.

DR. JAMES WEINSTEIN: In my life my daughter caused me to change my life. And I said, "I don't want other people to have to do what she had to do." We have the compassion. We have some knowledge. We have technology, but we let so many things get in the way of the real ideals, the hippocratic principles, that we get lost in that system that Brieanna shouldn't have had to face and so many millions of other people shouldn't have to face.

DR. DONALD BERWICK: I think health care is more about love than about most other things. If there isn't at the core of this two human beings who have agreed to be in a relationship where one is trying to help relieve the suffering of another, which is love, you can't get to the right answer here. It begins so much for me in that relationship that everything that's built around that had better make damn sure that it's supporting them and not hurting it. And a lot of the structures that I am talking about-fragmented structures, transaction-oriented structures, competitive structures, forget that- forget that this is about two people meeting and that's all it's about.

BILL MOYERS: MONEY-DRIVEN MEDICINE, a film produced by Alex Gibney, Peter Bull and Chris Matonti; directed by Andy Fredericks; and based on Maggie Mahar's book of the same name.

Log on to pbs.org and click on BILL MOYERS JOURNAL - Maggie Mahar will be there to answer your questions online. We'll link you to the Money-Driven Medicine website where there's more info about the book and the film. We'll also link you to some analysis of what advocates of reform are up against in taking on the health insurance industry, the drug lobby, and the Wall Street equity firms.

Take a look at this recent cover of BUSINESS WEEK. Reporters Chad Terhune and Keith Epstein write that the CEO's of the giant insurance companies should be smiling - their lobbyists have already won. Quote: "no matter what specifics emerge in the voluminous bill Congress may send to President Obama this fall, the insurance industry will emerge more profitable."

And remember that television ad Barack Obama made as a candidate for president?

BARACK OBAMA: The pharmaceutical industry wrote into the prescription drug plan that Medicare could not negotiate with drug companies. And you know what, the chairman of the committee who pushed the law through went to work for the pharmaceutical industry making $2 million a year. Imagine that. That's an example of the same old game-playing in Washington. I don't want to learn how to play the game better. I want to put an end to the game-playing.

BILL MOYERS: Now look at this recent story in the LOS ANGELES TIMES. Lo and behold, since the election, the pharmaceutical industry's $2 million dollars a year superstar lobbyist Billy Tauzin has morphed into President Obama's pal. Tauzin says the President has promised not to pressure the drug companies to negotiate with the government for lower drug prices and has agreed not to allow cheaper drugs to be imported from Canada or Europe - contrary to the position taken by candidate Obama…

Each of these stories illuminates the scarlet thread that runs through Maggie Mahar's book - the story of how today's market-driven medical system gives Wall Street investors life and death control over our health care, turning medicine into a profit machine instead of a social service to meet human need. That's the conflict at the heart of next month's showdown in Washington.

I'm Bill Moyers. See you next time.

Source: http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/08282009/watch.html
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Post by roxybeast » August 31st, 2009, 2:09 pm

Over the weekend ...

“If we’re to accept the recommendations of the (Republicans), what we’re in effect going to be doing is still having two sets of medical standards, one for the poor of this country and one for the rich. And I think if we’ve learned one significant factor over the period of the last (50) years, when the Congress and the country has focused on this issue, is that what we need one kind of program for all Americans, rich and poor, and that ought to be quality health for all Americans.” Sen. Ted Kennedy relaying his desires on health care reform (in 1972) – quote played on ABC’s This Week with George Stephanopoulis, … (as modified)

"I know that I have been an imperfect human being, but with the help of my faith I have tried to right my path. I want you to know Your Holiness that in my nearly 50 years of elective office, I have done my best to champion the rights of the poor and open doors of economic opportunity. I have worked to welcome the immigrant, to fight discrimination, and expand access to health care and education. I have opposed the death penalty, and fought to end war. Those are the issues that have motivated me and been the focus of my work as a United States Senator. I also want you to know that even though I am ill, I am committed to do everything I can to achieve access to health care for everyone in my country. This has been the political cause of my life. I believe in a conscience protection for Catholics in the health field, and I'll continue to advocate for it as my colleagues in the Senate and I work to develop an overall national health policy that guarantees health care for everyone.” Sen. Ted Kennedy letter to Pope, read at his burial. Source: CNN http://www.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/08/29/ ... index.html

If you still have any doubts as to why we need meaningful health care reform, I'll make it simple - we pay for poor people's medical costs now through higher premiums, taxes, and other ways ... and still 18,000+ die because they lack insurance & those with insurance often find it won't pay when they need it & have to go bankrupt. There is a better way to distribute the same money we are spending now to prevent this abuse & save lives. And here's a simple proposition even my conservative friends might understand, right now people who don't have insurance & even people with insurance avoid going to the doctor because it costs too much, they get sicker & then they go to the emergency room when it gets really bad, some die. If they received treatment sooner, they would be able to work & pay taxes. When they can't, your tax burden and premiums go up (or your employer cuts your take home pay to pay for increased insurance costs). Do you really like that? If not, support real reform.
Now more than ever, bipartisanship is for suckers
Republicans want Obama to fail. He needs to stop seeking consensus, because it makes him look weak
By Joe Conason


Aug. 21, 2009 | From the earliest moments of Barack Obama's presidency, the most perplexing question was how he would fulfill his promise to change Washington's partisan standoff – and whether that promise was ever more than a rhetorical and political campaign gambit. More than once, observers have suggested that he always knew he couldn't rely on Republicans to act in good faith, to negotiate reasonable compromises, or even to speak honestly in debate.

* * *

The simple truth is that there is nobody on the Republican side who wants to negotiate with Obama. They are no longer afraid of him, and they unanimously want to ruin his presidency, regardless of the consequences.

Whether there was ever any prospect of significant Republican support for Obama's recovery and reform agenda is a moot point. ... it should be clear to the president that even the supposedly reasonable Republicans scarcely pretend to want to work with him anymore. What the president must do is make that reality clear to the public.

* * *

Unfortunately, Obama opened himself to this hypocritical gaming when he pledged to pass bipartisan legislation ... . He must not be listening when Sen. Richard Shelby, R-Ala., says openly what all of his colleagues believe – namely, that their party's future depends on destroying Obama, which will begin with defeating healthcare reform.

The opportunistic and irresponsible stance of the Republicans was cemented, so to speak, by their amazing reversible positions on the ... stimulus bill. Having voted or campaigned against it, they proceeded to take credit for spending in their own communities as if they had supported the bill all along. ...

* * *

Faced with lying and demagoguery, confronted by unflinching partisans who want nothing but his destruction, the president has so far refused to respond with equal force. To most Americans, especially those without strong ideological perspectives, that is not a sign of strength. In a time of uncertainty, strength is what the public demands. What matters is not what Obama believes, but how willing he is to fight for what he believes.

Source: http://www.salon.com/opinion/conason/2009/08/21/gop/
Waxman Gears Up for Health Care Showdown
http://www.truthdig.com/report/print/20 ... _showdown/

PUBLIC PLAN CHOICE IN CONGRESSIONAL HEALTH PLANS:
THE GOOD, THE NOT-SO-GOOD, AND THE UGLY http://www.ourfuture.org/files/Hacker_P ... t_2009.pdf

Senior Groups Reject Health Care 'Scare Tactics' http://www.npr.org/templates/story/stor ... =112384526

What The 'Gang Of Six' Wants From Health Care Bill http://www.npr.org/templates/story/stor ... =112222617

Imbalance of Trust
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/29/opinion/29blow.html

NY Times EDITORIAL: Majority Rule on Health Care Reform
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/30/opinion/30sun1.html

NY Times Op-Ed: Until Medical Bills Do Us Part
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/30/opini ... istof.html

Sunday Talk Shows: Kennedy and Health Care http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... alth-care/

Looking to Past Policy Battles for Health Care Lessons http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... e-lessons/

Looking Ahead: Runaway Health Costs http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... lth-costs/

Two Takes on the Health Debate, in the Sunday Magazine http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -magazine/

Health Care Abroad: Canada http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ad-canada/

Health Care Abroad: Japan
http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... oad-japan/

Britain: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ican-lies/ … and … http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ad-deluge/

Swiss: Opinion: The Swiss System and More on Rationing http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... rationing/

More blogs from NY Times on health care reform:
http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/

Thune (Rep): Distrust of Government Fueling Criticism of Overhaul http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -overhaul/

Sunday Talk Shows: Kennedy and Health Care http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... alth-care/

Bill Bradley - Tax Reform’s Lesson for Health Care Reform
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/30/opini ... adley.html

Obama’s Mixed Messages
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/30/opini ... bbard.html

Death, Republican Style
It's the GOP that's out to get Granny
http://www.newsweek.com/id/214267

The Five Biggest Lies in the Health Care Debate
http://www.newsweek.com/id/214254

Dear Mr Obama: All People Deserve Health Insurance
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/nick-armi ... 72011.html

Say by Jamie Lee Curtis:
“Pass health care. For everyone. Let all who are sick and dying get the same care that he got in his last year. And if you are not satisfied with what you are hearing or seeing on the news.....then be Americans and say what you need to say to your elected officials, who say what they need to say on your behalf. That's what I have to say.” Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jamie-lee ... 71980.html
Bill Moyers On Health Care Reform: "We're All In The Same Boat" http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/2 ... 71851.html

New GOP tactic: The counter-town hall http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0809/26491.html

The Balls, Brains & Humility to be Healthy http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michael-b ... 72237.html

Health Care through the Eyes of an Independent http://www.huffingtonpost.com/tim-giago ... 72195.html

Facts Left the Health Care Debate Long Ago, Emotion Is the Driver Now! http://www.huffingtonpost.com/byron-wil ... 72226.html

Obama, Public Differ on Diagnosis http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jim-jaffe ... 72213.html

Kerry: Kennedy Would Compromise If Necessary http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/3 ... 72177.html
Lessons in Leadership: Why Obama Needs to Brush Up on His FDR
By Arianna Huffington


excerpt--

Speaking of the entrenched interests arrayed against him, FDR said: "Never before in all our history have these forces been so united against one candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in their hate for me -- and I welcome their hatred." Obama, on the other hand, welcomes these entrenched interests into the Oval Office and invites them to amputate another limb off health care reform and dump it in the garbage on the way out.

Such is the desire for real reform that even the poorly explained -- and only fitfully supported by the White House -- public option (which, it's worth noting, is already a half-a-loaf compromise from a Medicare-for-all single-payer plan) still has 77 percent support among the public.

But Kent Conrad is telling us again and again that "there are not the votes" for a public option. And Marc Ambinder reported last week that "privately, White House aides have communicated to the House leadership that the onus on changing minds about the public plan is on Congress, not on the president."

That is not, to say the least, leadership.

The issue that is, for now, the defining moment of Obama's presidency is itself at a defining moment.

The president has, rightly -- finally -- started speaking of health reform as a "moral imperative." If he really believes that it is a moral imperative, then the time for dealing with those who oppose it needs to come to an end. Martin Luther King, Jr. didn't march on Selma so Rosa Parks could sit two rows up from the back of the bus.
During the campaign, Obama frequently said that this wasn't about him, but about all of us. That's true, but we're now at a juncture where it actually is about him.

The president has the leadership skills to reclaim this debate and take it directly to the American people, sidestepping -- or running over, if need be -- those who have decided to stand in the way of real change.

Source/full story: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-h ... y_b_267710

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Post by roxybeast » August 31st, 2009, 8:48 pm

“We are the only western democracy that has not embraced universal health-care as a means of social justice. Our health –care systems is run by a, by the drug industry, the health insurance industry and Wall Street. Which means a relative handful of ...unaccountable executives and anonymous investors who’s primary interest is in increasing the value of the company share and raising profits. Their interest, that’s their Interest, that’s a good business model because its makes a lot of money for the people that runs those industries. Wall St., drugs and, and, and.., health insurance, but it’s not the way we should decide who lives and who dies and who suffers and who gets well,,,, it’s just not the way....” - Bill Moyer

Watch this interview of Bill Moyer by Bill Maher discussing health care ...
PART 1: http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=3f8_1251526869
PART 2: http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=0f1_1251529385
PART 3: http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=b1b_1251531378

The film, Money-Driven Medicine aired on Bill Moyers Journal on Friday. (You can watch the whole thing here.) http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/blog/ ... mahar.html

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Post by roxybeast » September 1st, 2009, 3:27 am

In our continuing examination of health care in other leading nations, consider these articles from the New York Times:

CANADA
Health Care Abroad: Canada
By SARAH ARNQUIST
N.Y. Times, Aug. 14, 2009

BY THE NUMBERS
Canada
Life expectancy: 81 years
Infant mortality: 5 per 1,000 live births
Health spending as a percentage of GDP: 10
Percentage of health spending that is private: 30
Doctors per 10,000 people: 19
Source: World Health Organization. U.S. statistics.


Theodore R. Marmor is professor emeritus of public policy and political science at Yale University and a former fellow of the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research. He is the author of “The Politics of Medicare” (Aldine Transaction, 2000). He spoke to freelance writer Sarah Arnquist.

This is the first in a series of posts briefly describing health care delivery in other countries.

Q.
How does the Canadian system provide health care at lower cost than the American system?

A.
Canada’s national health insurance, called Medicare, provides hospital and physician insurance to all Canadian citizens. It does not provide health care directly from government hospitals or through publicly employed physicians. Imagine 10 provincial nonprofit health insurance plans without deductibles, co-insurance or co-payments for medically prescribed treatment.

Canada pays for more hospital days and doctor visits per capita than the United States but spends about 40 percent less. Canadians pay their doctors, nurses and other medical personnel less, and provide fewer very expensive equipment and services. Open heart surgery, for example, would cost about 30 percent less in Toronto than in Chicago. The lower supply of expensive equipment means Canadians wait somewhat longer for those services, but in recent years improved management has reduced waiting lists for services like M.R.I. scans. Canada has more general practice doctors per capita than the United States does, so basic office visits are considerably less costly. Private spending, which is about 30 percent of all Canadian health spending, has increased more rapidly than public expenditures over the past 40 years.

The final reason Canada has lower costs is that the provincial governments are responsible for financing health care and directly face the pressure of rising health costs. They must act to control the costs because other government services compete for public funding.

Q.
What does the Canadian health system do particularly well?

A.
Two features stand out. One is that the financing of medical care is extraordinarily simple for patients, physicians and hospitals. Patients face no bills for acute services and no co-payments. Doctors are paid electronically each month according to a set payment rate, and the hospitals must follow a set budget. Bankruptcy from medical bills, insurance disputes and billing confusion do not exist as problems.

The second strength is clarity about the purposes public health insurance serves and for many Canadians a sense of pride that access to medical care is not treated as a market transaction. Medical care is allocated more by ability to benefit than by ability to pay, however, disparities in medical use still exist between people of different classes and educational backgrounds.

Q.
What is your biggest criticism of it?

A.
The continued nastiness of federal-provincial negotiations about the shared financing of Medicare is one unappealing feature of the Canadian system. This dual responsibility leads to endless blaming between the national and provincial governments for the pressures of medical expenditures on the budgets of other public programs and tax levels. This, in turn, has partly prevented Canada from handling drug costs in the uncomplicated Medicare program.

Q.
What is the most important lesson Americans should learn from the Canadian system?

A.
Until the 1960s, Canada was very similar to the United States in its medical, hospital, economic and social context. Canada’s experience since then demonstrates that it is possible to have public health insurance that largely fulfills the explicit purposes set out in the Canada Health Act of 1984: universal insurance, comprehensive hospital and physician benefits (without hidden insurance policy constraints), portable coverage across the nation, clear accountability through the political process and no significant financial barriers to care.

Source: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ad-canada/
JAPAN
Health Care Abroad: Japan
By SARAH ARNQUIST
N.Y. Times, Aug. 25, 2009

BY THE NUMBERS
Japan
Life expectancy: 83 years
Infant mortality: 3 per 1,000 live births
Health spending as a percentage of GDP: 8
Percentage of health spending that is private: 18
Doctors per 10,000 people: 21
Source: World Health Organization. U.S. statistics.


John Creighton Campbell is professor emeritus of political science at the University of Michigan and a visiting researcher at the Tokyo University Institute of Gerontology. He co-authored “The Art of Balance in Health Policy: Maintaining Japan’s Low-Cost, Egalitarian System” (Cambridge University Press, 1998). Dr. Campbell spoke with the freelance writer Sarah Arnquist.

This is the second in an occasional series of posts briefly describing health care delivery in other countries. The first post discussed Canada.

Q.
How does the Japanese system provide health care at lower cost than the American system?

A.
Japan has about the lowest per capita health care costs among the advanced nations of the world, and its population is the healthiest. That is largely due to lifestyle factors, such as low rates of obesity and violence, but the widespread availability of high-quality health care is also important. Everyone in Japan is covered by insurance for medical and dental care and drugs. People pay premiums proportional to their income to join the insurance pool determined by their place of work or residence. Insurers do not compete, and they all cover the same services and drugs for the same price, so the paperwork is minimal. Patients freely choose their providers, and doctors freely choose the procedures, tests and medications for their patients.

Reimbursement rates to doctors and hospitals are negotiated and set every two years. The fees are quite low, often one-third to one-half of prices in the United States. Relatively speaking, primary care is more profitable than highly specialized care, so Japanese doctors face different incentives than U.S. doctors. As a result, the Japanese are three times more likely than Americans to go to the doctor, but they receive many fewer surgical operations.

Q.
What does the Japanese health system do particularly well?

A.
First, Japan is egalitarian and medical bankruptcy is unknown. An individual’s income influences the quantity and quality of medical care probably less than in any other country. Premiums and out-of-pocket costs are minor concerns for most, and low-income people and the elderly receive subsidies to afford care.

Second, the Japanese system is quite good for chronic care, particularly because it has so many older people. Along with appropriate medical care, Japan also provides long-term care to all older people who need it through a public insurance system that started in 2000.

Q.
What is your biggest criticism of it?

A.
Financial stringency and organizational rigidities have led to inadequate hospital services in some areas, particularly in emergency care, where patients in ambulances are sometimes turned away. There also are doctor shortages in some regions and specialties. Consultation times can be too short for complicated diagnoses and for psychotherapy. Specialized training and certification for physicians should be better, and cutting-edge surgical techniques should be more available.

Many of the problems are largely due to underinvestment, and the severity of the cost control has become an issue in the current election campaign.

Q.
What is the most important lesson Americans should learn from the Japanese system?

A.
In the 1980s, health care spending was increasing as quickly in Japan as in America, but the Japanese government learned how to influence medical care provision without rationing by manipulating how it paid for services. Annual spending growth has thus been quite low despite a rapidly aging population. Including everyone in a controllable system was a prerequisite. Japan is not a single-payer system, but like France and Germany, it has been able to control costs by tightly regulating multiple insurers.

Source: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... oad-japan/


SWITZERLAND
Opinion: The Swiss System and More on Rationing
By THE NEW YORK TIMES


You can agree or not with The New York Times op-ed columnist Paul Krugman’s take on the health care debate. But he’s worth reading for the primers he provides, along with the polemics. In today’s column, Mr. Krugman notes that the combination of publicly supported and private insurance plans that seem a likely outcome of the policymaking in Washington could end up resembling the system in Switzerland:
If we were starting from scratch we probably wouldn’t have chosen this route. True “socialized medicine” would undoubtedly cost less, and a straightforward extension of Medicare-type coverage to all Americans would probably be cheaper than a Swiss-style system. That’s why I and others believe that a true public option competing with private insurers is extremely important: otherwise, rising costs could all too easily undermine the whole effort.

But a Swiss-style system of universal coverage would be a vast improvement on what we have now. And we already know that such systems work.
Richard Dooling, author of the novel “Critical Care” and a former hospital respiratory therapist, today wrote that “our health care system has failed,” because too much money is spent on expensive medical procedures for people who in their 80’s and 90’s who may receive little benefit. He’s probably inviting harsh criticism of the “don’t pull the plug on Grandma” variety, but he does raises a generational fairness issue:
I am not, of course, talking about euthanasia. I’m just wondering why the nation continues incurring enormous debt to pay for bypass surgery and titanium-knee replacements for octogenarians and nonagenarians, when for just a small fraction of those costs we could provide children with preventive health care and nutrition.
Looking at the issue in political terms, the conservative columnist Ross Douthat wonders whether Republicans are imperiling themselves by casting the end-of-life economic debate in stark “death panel” terms:
This is a perilous strategy for the right. Medicare’s price tag, if trends continue, will make a mockery of the idea of limited government. For conservatives, no fiscal cause is more important than curbing this exponential growth. And by fighting health care reform with tactics ripped from Democratic playbooks, and enlisting anxious seniors as foot soldiers, conservatives are setting themselves up to win the battle and lose the longer war
.

Source: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... rationing/
The Swiss Menace
By Paul Krugman
N.Y. Times, Aug. 16, 2009


It was the blooper heard round the world. In an editorial denouncing Democratic health reform plans, Investor’s Business Daily tried to frighten its readers by declaring that in Britain, where the government runs health care, the handicapped physicist Stephen Hawking “wouldn’t have a chance,” because the National Health Service would consider his life “essentially worthless.”

Professor Hawking, who was born in Britain, has lived there all his life, and has been well cared for by the National Health Service, was not amused.

Besides being vile and stupid, however, the editorial was beside the point. Investor’s Business Daily would like you to believe that Obamacare would turn America into Britain — or, rather, a dystopian fantasy version of Britain. The screamers on talk radio and Fox News would have you believe that the plan is to turn America into the Soviet Union. But the truth is that the plans on the table would, roughly speaking, turn America into Switzerland — which may be occupied by lederhosen-wearing holey-cheese eaters, but wasn’t a socialist hellhole the last time I looked.

Let’s talk about health care around the advanced world.

Every wealthy country other than the United States guarantees essential care to all its citizens. There are, however, wide variations in the specifics, with three main approaches taken.

In Britain, the government itself runs the hospitals and employs the doctors. We’ve all heard scare stories about how that works in practice; these stories are false. Like every system, the National Health Service has problems, but over all it appears to provide quite good care while spending only about 40 percent as much per person as we do. By the way, our own Veterans Health Administration, which is run somewhat like the British health service, also manages to combine quality care with low costs.

The second route to universal coverage leaves the actual delivery of health care in private hands, but the government pays most of the bills. That’s how Canada and, in a more complex fashion, France do it. It’s also a system familiar to most Americans, since even those of us not yet on Medicare have parents and relatives who are.

Again, you hear a lot of horror stories about such systems, most of them false. French health care is excellent. Canadians with chronic conditions are more satisfied with their system than their U.S. counterparts. And Medicare is highly popular, as evidenced by the tendency of town-hall protesters to demand that the government keep its hands off the program.

Finally, the third route to universal coverage relies on private insurance companies, using a combination of regulation and subsidies to ensure that everyone is covered. Switzerland offers the clearest example: everyone is required to buy insurance, insurers can’t discriminate based on medical history or pre-existing conditions, and lower-income citizens get government help in paying for their policies.

In this country, the Massachusetts health reform more or less follows the Swiss model; costs are running higher than expected, but the reform has greatly reduced the number of uninsured. And the most common form of health insurance in America, employment-based coverage, actually has some “Swiss” aspects: to avoid making benefits taxable, employers have to follow rules that effectively rule out discrimination based on medical history and subsidize care for lower-wage workers.

So where does Obamacare fit into all this? Basically, it’s a plan to Swissify America, using regulation and subsidies to ensure universal coverage.

If we were starting from scratch we probably wouldn’t have chosen this route. True “socialized medicine” would undoubtedly cost less, and a straightforward extension of Medicare-type coverage to all Americans would probably be cheaper than a Swiss-style system. That’s why I and others believe that a true public option competing with private insurers is extremely important: otherwise, rising costs could all too easily undermine the whole effort.

But a Swiss-style system of universal coverage would be a vast improvement on what we have now. And we already know that such systems work.

So we can do this. At this point, all that stands in the way of universal health care in America are the greed of the medical-industrial complex, the lies of the right-wing propaganda machine, and the gullibility of voters who believe those lies.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/17/opini ... ugman.html
GREAT BRITAIN/UNITED KINGDOM
Official Defends British Health Service Against ‘Outrageous Lies’
By GARDINER HARRIS
N.Y. Times, Aug. 21, 2009


Conservative critics of President Obama’s efforts to overhaul health care have made a habit of vilifying the British health care system, attacks that Britons have largely viewed with bemused detachment. No longer.

“These are lies, outrageous lies,” said Dr. Michael Rawlins, chairman of Britain’s National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence, in an interview. Known as NICE, Dr. Rawlins’s organization decides which treatments Britain’s National Health Service can afford and which it cannot.

Conservatives in the United States have made a particular point of criticizing NICE. The Wall Street Journal editorial page described NICE as a “rationing board” and wrote: “Americans should understand how NICE works because under ObamaCare it will eventually be coming to a hospital near you.”

Dr. Rawlins said that his organization ensured that the N.H.S. used the best medicine possible within its limited budget. He was particularly incensed by a recent comment by Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, who said that Senator Edward M. Kennedy, a Massachusetts Democrat who is suffering brain cancer, would not receive the same treatment in countries that ration health care.

Dr. Rawlins also took issue with remarks from a conservative group in the United States contending that the elderly in Britain did not receive adequate care. “That’s absolutely outrageous,” he said. “Half of the patients here who receive coronary bypass surgery and stents are over the age of 59, and 20 percent are over the age of 75.”

Dr. Rawlins is part of a broad British backlash against American critics that already has landed David Cameron, the leader of the conservative Tories, in trouble. Reports that Daniel Hannan, a Tory member of the European Parliament, criticized the N.H.S. on TV programs in the United States created an uproar, forcing Mr. Cameron to distance himself from Mr. Hannan. Labor ministers gleefully declared Mr. Hannan to be unpatriotic.
On Thursday, Mr. Cameron gave a lengthy speech declaring “the conservative party’s commitment to the N.H.S.”

“Conservatives rely on the N.H.S., work in the N.H.S., volunteer to help the N.H.S.,” Mr. Cameron said. “This party wants to improve the N.H.S. for everyone.”

The N.H.S. is very popular in Britain, and if Mr. Cameron ever suggested that he wanted to fundamentally change the system he would “become politically unelectable,” Dr. Rawlins said.

Dr. Rawlins noted that defending the N.H.S. had become a political badge of honor in the United Kingdom. “These attacks from the U.S. have been good for the British,” he said. In speeches, Dr. Rawlins routinely tweaks the United States for its profligate health care spending and poor results.

“We’re not perfect,” he said. “But any reasonable comparator between our two systems shows that you spend an extraordinary amount on health care to very little effect.”

He said that the British, like most Europeans, were “shocked” that the United States did not guarantee health care to all of its citizens. And he predicted that the Republican Party would soon lose its fight against Mr. Obama’s overhaul.

“If they have to rely on telling lies about British health care, they have lost already,” he said.

Source: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ican-lies/

Sarah Lyall, a reporter in The Times’s London bureau, compares her experiences in with health care in the United States and Britain in an interesting article appearing in The Week in Review on Sunday.

Health Care in Britain: Expat Goes for a Checkup
By SARAH LYALL
N.Y. Times, August 15, 2009


LONDON — There are times when, viewed from afar, American political discourse looks like nothing more than a huge brawl conducted by noisy, ill-informed polemicists. This is one of them, as Britain found last week when the renowned physicist Stephen Hawking was, bizarrely, drawn into the raucous debate over the health care proposals of President Obama and Congress.

Mr. Hawking, 67, has Lou Gehrig’s disease, is paralyzed, speaks through a voice synthesizer and needs a great deal of medical attention. He also lives in Britain. This makes him a spectacularly unfortunate choice to pick as an example of the evils of the National Health Service, which has provided free health care — to him, and to millions of other people here — for 61 years.

But that is what Investor’s Business Daily did on Aug. 3, in an editorial opposing Mr. Obama’s proposals by accusing him of wanting to institute an N.H.S.-style system in America. Mr. Hawking “wouldn’t have a chance in the U.K.,” the newspaper declared, because the health service would declare his life “essentially worthless.”

The paper printed a correction, and Mr. Hawking issued a statement saying that, actually, the health service had helped keep him alive.

Debates about health care are often personal. Policy is full of statistics — mortality rates, spending per capita, cost of drugs, length of hospital stays — and full of hysterical predictions of what disasters change will bring. But in discussing which system is best, patients turn to their own experiences and those of their families, friends and acquaintances. People believe in the hospital and doctors where they had good outcomes; they deplore those that have let them down.

As an American who now lives in Britain, occasionally writes about the health service, and uses public and private medicine here (as well as back home, occasionally), I have seen firsthand the arguments from all sides. Certainly, as someone who in the 1980s paid $333 to have an emergency room doctor at Georgetown University Hospital remove a piece of toilet paper from my ear after I had unsuccessfully tried to use it as an earplug, I applaud a system that is free.

Founded in 1948 during the grim postwar era, the National Health Service is essential to Britain’s identity. But Britons grouse about it, almost as a national sport. Among their complaints: it rations treatment; it forces people to wait for care; it favors the young over the old; its dental service is rudimentary at best; its hospitals are crawling with drug-resistant superbugs.

All these things are true, sometimes, up to a point.

The N.H.S. is great at emergency care, and great at pediatric care. My children have enjoyed thorough treatment for routine matters — vaccines, eye tests and the like. A friend who had cancer received the same drugs and the same treatment, I was assured, as she would have in the United States. When, heartbreakingly, she died, her family was not left with tens of thousands of dollars of outstanding bills, or with the prospect of long, bitter fights with hardened insurance companies.

But there are limits. Without an endless budget, the N.H.S. does have to ration care, by deciding, for instance, whether drugs that might add a few months to the life of a terminal cancer patient are worth the money. Its hospitals are not always clean. It is bureaucratic. Its doctors and nurses are overworked. Patients sometimes are treated as if they were supplicants rather than consumers. Women in labor are advised to bring their own infant’s diapers and their own cleaning products to the hospital. Sick people routinely have to wait for tests or for treatment.

Because resources are finite and each region allocates care differently, waiting times can vary widely from place to place. So can treatment, as in the United States, regardless of how it is paid for.

Limited in what treatments they can offer, doctors sometimes fail to advise patients of every option available — or every possible complication. American doctors, conversely, often seem strangely alarmist about your future and overeager to prescribe more expensive treatment.

After I had my first baby, Alice, a National Health nurse came to my house regularly to weigh and examine her and to lecture me about breast-feeding. It was all free, a matter of course. The baby seemed to have mild eczema, but the nurse was relaxed about it. When I took Alice, at 3 months, to New York and we went to a Park Avenue pediatrician for a minor, unrelated complaint, the doctor seemed unaccountably exercised.

“This baby has ECZEMA!” he said accusingly, pointing to a few reddish spots. “What are you doing about it?”

Britons are well aware of the limitations of their system. But do they appreciate having the N.H.S. held up by Americans on the right as Exhibit A in discussions of the complete failure of socialized medicine? Do they want to hear that it is “Orwellian,” that it is a breeding ground for terrorism, or that, in the words of Senator Charles Grassley, Republican of Iowa, it would refuse to treat everyone from “Granny” to Senator Edward M. Kennedy?

No, they do not.

Like squabbling family members who band together against outside criticism, Britons have reacted to the barrage of American attacks on the N.H.S. with collective nationalist outrage.

A new Twitter campaign, “We Love the NHS,” has become one of the most popular topics on the site, helped by Prime Minister Gordon Brown himself, as well as the leader of the opposition Conservative Party, David Cameron.

Mr. Brown’s eyesight was saved by a National Health surgeon after a rugby accident when he was in college; Mr. Cameron’s 6-year-old son, Ivan, who died in February, was severely disabled and received loving care from the service.

The Twitter campaign is full of testimonials from recipients of successful treatment for brain abscesses, complicated pregnancies, mangled toes, liver disease, hernias, car accidents, nervous breakdowns, cancer — you name it.

For me, the health service was a godsend when my husband suffered a severe stroke in the 1990s. He got exemplary critical care; I did not get a bill. It was only in the aftermath — when I learned that, unusually in Britain, my husband’s job came with private health insurance — that I came to realize what it could and could not do. A little over one in 10 Britons have some sort of private supplemental insurance; others pick and choose when to use the N.H.S. and when to pay out of pocket for the top specialists or speedier care.

Told my husband needed a sophisticated blood test from a particular doctor, I telephoned her office, only to be told there was a four-month wait.

“But I’m a private patient,” I said.

“Then we can see you tomorrow,” the secretary said.

And so it went. When it came time for my husband to undergo physical rehabilitation, I went to look at the facility offered by the N.H.S. The treatment was first rate, I was told, but the building was dismal: grim, dusty, hot, understaffed, housing 8 to 10 elderly men per ward. The food was inedible. The place reeked of desperation and despair.

Then I toured the other option, a private rehabilitation hospital with air-conditioned rooms, private bathrooms and cable televisions, a state-of-the-art gym, passably tasty food and cheery nurses who made a cup of cocoa for my husband every night before bed.

We chose the private hospital, where the bills would be paid in their entirety by insurance. My husband lived there for nearly two months. We saw the other patients only when they were in the gym for treatment when my husband was. Most of them seemed to be from rich countries in the Middle East. Perhaps they were the only ones who could afford to pay.

Sarah Lyall, a London correspondent for The Times, is author of “The Anglo Files: A Field Guide to the British.”

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/16/weeki ... lyall.html
British Leaders Defend Their Health Service
by Robert Mackey
The Lede, N.Y. Times, Aug. 14, 2009


Responding to attacks on Britain’s National Health Service by opponents of health insurance reform in the United States, British political leaders from the left and the right have taken to the airwaves, the blogwaves and the twitwaves to defend the government-run health care system known as the NHS.

On Wednesday, Prime Minister Gordon Brown took a break from his summer holiday to join a chorus of Britons voicing support for the system on Twitter — where the tag #welovetheNHS became a trending topic — writing:
PM: NHS often makes the difference between pain and comfort, despair and hope, life and death. Thanks for always being there #welovetheNHS
The same day, Mr. Brown also “re-tweeted” this declaration of affection for the service posted by his wife, Sarah Brown:
#welovetheNHS - more than words can say
Not to be outdone ahead of an election, the leader of the opposition Conservative Party, David Cameron, also interrupted his holiday to write on his blog:
Just look at all the support which the NHS has received on Twitter over the last couple of days. It is a reminder — if one were needed — of how proud we in Britain are of the NHS. Millions of people are grateful for the care they have received from the NHS - including my own family. One of the wonderful things about living in this country is that the moment you’re injured or fall ill — no matter who you are, where you are from, or how much money you’ve got — you know that the NHS will look after you.
Mr. Cameron also said in this video interview published on the BBC’s Web site that he disagreed strongly with the “eccentric views” of a member of his own party who has criticized the NHS during several recent appearances on Fox News. In the interview, Mr. Cameron restated his pledge to expand the NHS if the Conservatives win the next general election in Britain and said, “We think its a really important and great national institution.”

The comments from British readers below this post suggest that Britain’s politicians are outdoing themselves to praise the NHS for the very good reason that it is genuinely popular with voters.

The Conservative politician who has appeared several times on Sean Hannity’s program to attack the NHS is Daniel Hannan. During this recent interview on Fox, Mr. Hannan suggested that America was now contemplating a move “towards a Cuban or North Korean system” and said that reforms proposed by Democrats could empower the government to decide “literally whether you can live or die.” While he was in New York, Mr. Hannnan continued his critique of the NHS in an interview with another Fox host, Glenn Back.

A few months earlier, in another discussion with Mr. Hannity, Mr. Hannan called the founding of the NHS “a mistake” and said, “The reality is, it hasn’t worked — it has made people iller.”

Another response to Mr. Hannan’s intervention in the American health care debate came on Friday in the form of this YouTube message from the Labour politician John Prescott, who served as Tony Blair’s deputy prime minister, in which he called on American to ignore what he termed Mr. Hannan’s “tissue of lies” about the NHS:

Watch video referred to on YouTube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5zt9nGAWiKM

Mr. Hannan also writes a blog on the Web site of The Telegraph, and he interrupted his own holiday to heap scorn on Mr. Prescott, writing, “Any suggestion that the NHS might be improved upon is shouted down as an attack on the people in it — which is precisely the point I was making about how hard it is to reform so large a bureaucracy.”

Mr. Hannan, of course, is not the only person trying to discredit government intervention in the health insurance market by pointing to the British system. As my colleague Bernie Becker pointed out in a post on our new blog Prescriptions, an editorial in Investors Business Daily (which has now been corrected) made this argument about the kind of people who would suffer if their health care were left to a government-run system like the NHS:
People such as scientist Stephen Hawking wouldn’t have a chance in the U.K., where the National Health Service would say the life of this brilliant man, because of his physical handicaps, is essentially worthless.
The reason the editorial has been corrected is that Mr. Hawking is, of course, British, and he does depend on the NHS for his health care. “I wouldn’t be here today if it were not for the NHS,” he told The Guardian this week. “I have received a large amount of high-quality treatment without which I would not have survived.”

I.B.D.’s fantastic editorial lead the British blog Heresy Corner to post this satirical account of Mr. Hawking receiving the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Barack Obama this week in Washington.

Television ads attacking the NHS (and Canada’s government health insurance) have also been broadcast by Conservatives for Patients’ Rights, the Republican National Committee and the conservative Club for Growth.

Britain’s Channel 4 News reported on Friday that two British women featured in the ad by Conservatives for Patients’ Rights said that they support the NHS despite its problems and were duped into sharing their personal tragedies by producers who said they were being interviewed for a documentary, not an attack ad. PolitiFact.com, a nonpartisan site that won a Pulitzer Prize this year for its work, said the Club for Growth’s ad on the NHS was “misleading.”

The attacks do seem to be influencing some voters. In this video report shot in Maryland this week, a woman told a reporter for the BBC that “people from Canada and Great Britain keep telling us, ‘Do not do health plan because it does not do anything.’ ” Asked, “Which people in Britain are telling you that?” the woman replied that they were “on the news all the time.” At the same event a man told the BBC that the British health care system was terrible. Asked if he had ever experienced it, the man replied, “I don’t need to, or I’d be dead.”

Source: http://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/0 ... h-service/
Stephen Hawking Defends Care in Britain
By BERNIE BECKER
N.Y. Times, Aug. 12, 2009


The physicist Stephen Hawking is defending Britain’s National Health Service after an editorial in Investor’s Business Daily said Mr. Hawking “wouldn’t have a chance in the U.K.,” where the health service would have deemed his life “essentially worthless.”

The problem with the editorial, of course, is that Dr. Hawking, the author of “A Brief History of Time,” is very much a Briton — born in Oxford and currently a professor at the University of Cambridge.

The publication’s mistake, which came in an editorial titled “How House Bill Runs Over Grandma,” has since been corrected. But on a larger level, the snafu also shows how quickly rationing, particularly at the end of life, has become a focus of the health care reform debate.

Dr. Hawking — who received the Presidential Medal of Freedom at the White House on Wednesday — responded to the editorial this week, telling The Guardian newspaper, “I wouldn’t be here today if it were not for the N.H.S. I have received a large amount of high-quality treatment without which I would not have survived.”

(For the record, the original editorial contained this: “People such as scientist Stephen Hawking wouldn’t have a chance in the U.K., where the National Health Service would say the life of this brilliant man, because of his physical handicaps, is essentially worthless.”)

Wesley F. Mann, the editor of Investor’s Business Daily, did not respond to a request for comment.

The I.B.D. editorial takes a look at rationing in the British health care system, calling the consequences “legendary.”

“The stories of people dying on a waiting list or being denied altogether read like a horror movie script,” the editorial asserted.

“The British have succeeded in putting a price tag on human life, as we are about to.”

To back up that claim, the editorial quotes Betsy McCaughey, a former lieutenant governor of New York, who wrote in The New York Post that “One troubling provision of the House bill compels seniors to submit to a counseling session every five years (and more often if they become sick or go into a nursing home) about alternatives for end-of-life care.”

Former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin recently took a similar tack on her Facebook page, writing that the sick and elderly would have to stand before “Obama’s ‘death panel’ so his bureaucrats can decide, based on a subjective judgment of their ‘level of productivity in society,’ whether they are worthy of health care.”

The New York Times’s Robert Pear and David Herszenhorn have found that those “concerns appear to be unfounded,” noting that the AARP said “the rumors out there are flat-out lies.”

What the House bill would do, according to Mr. Pear and Mr. Herszenhorn, is “provide Medicare coverage for optional consultations with doctors who advise patients on life-sustaining treatment and ‘end-of-life services,’ including hospice care.”

Politifact.com, The St. Petersburg Times’s truth-squadding team, has also looked into statements of Ms. McCaughey, including this one: “Congress would make it mandatory — absolutely require — that every five years people in Medicare have a required counseling session that will tell them how to end their life sooner.”

The group said that Ms. McCaughey was “spreading a ridiculous falsehood.”

Source: http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... in-the-uk/

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Post by roxybeast » September 1st, 2009, 4:57 am

More health care reform news stories from Monday, Aug. 31, 2009 ...

How Can President Obama Regain His Political Footing?
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 03158.html

Taking the Kennedy Way
President Obama can still secure major health-care legislation this year if he learns from his mistakes in recent months and spends more time reminding Americans why they were once eager for fundamental change.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 02254.html

Has Obama's Handling of the Bank Bailout Undermined Health Care Reform? By Arianna Huffington http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-h ... 73341.html

Health Bill Would Cut Drug Spending for Many on Medicare, Budget Office Says
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/31/healt ... 1drug.html

Study: CBO May Be Missing Potential Savings From Efforts To Prevent Diabetes, Heart Disease http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/09/0 ... 73495.html

Baucus: Health Care Reform Will Happen This Year With Or Without GOP http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/3 ... 73366.html

Joe Barton: Republicans Will Repeal Health Care Reform If If It Passes http://washingtonindependent.com/57198/ ... -it-passes

More blogs from NY Times on health care reform:
http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/

The Gang of Six Appears to be Dead -- But How Many of Them Know It? http://voices.washingtonpost.com/ezra-k ... to_be.html

Et Tu, Lefty? Allies Critical Of President
Waffling on Health Care Riles His Loyal Pundits http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 02518.html

Ted Kennedy and Health Care
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/stephen-g ... 73422.html

Obama's Looming Health Care Disaster: Looking for Love in All the Wrong Places http://www.huffingtonpost.com/les-leopo ... 73435.html

Don't Let The Crazy People Win This One
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/erica-jon ... 72337.html

For Team Obama, A Refresher on Jack Johnson and "The Great White Hope" http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dave-ziri ... 72542.html

Rep. Pete Olson Booed For Suggesting Baby Would Die Under Public Option (VIDEO) http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/3 ... 72786.html

Obama Organizing Advisers Rap Health Care Push
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ari-melbe ... 73080.html

Let's Pass Ted Kennedy's Health Plan
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/roger-hic ... 72340.html

Dole Advises Obama to Be More Than ‘Cheerleader’ on Health Care http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... alth-care/

Huckabee Doubles Down On Controversial Kennedy Comments http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/3 ... 72908.html

Fighting Health Care Overhaul, and Proud of It Senator Jim DeMint, the South Carolina Republican who predicted that President Obama’s effort to overhaul the health care system would become his “Waterloo,” is doing his best to make that happen.
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/31/us/po ... emint.html

White House Not Pleased With Two Republican Senators http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... -grassley/

White House Defends Obama’s Energy Level on Health Care http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... alth-care/

Would Tort Reform Lower Costs? http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... are-costs/

Here's the thing to remember about tort reform ... doctors are subject legally to adhere to the reasonable standards of care in their community, that's a good thing,
established by looking at the way most doctors in the community would handle the same health care situation. While there are breakthroughs in medicine, they
do not happen that often or radically change the nature of practice in any particular field. So the reality is that these standards of reasonable care have already been
established by the doctors in the community and locked into place by legal precedents - this is true in every type of medicine. These standards are not going away,
nor are they going backwards, nor do they need to be repealed. They are in place to protect patients. YOU. The insurance companies and doctors are aware of them
and adhere to them. It's the standards which result in the higher costs, the insurance companies and doctors are not going to start NOT adhering to them just because of a cap on attorneys fees or patient recoveries. They would be idiots if they did that. Thus, tort reform, which btw already passed, only injures people whose lives have already been devastated by serious medical neglect and those who seek to help them. The courts have already imposed standards which make it incredibly more difficult to bring a medical malpractice case than almost any other type of tort claim and the judges have a lot of authority & discretion to throw out frivolous suits right now.

Gibbs Slams Key GOP Health Care Negotiator: He's Walked Away From Table http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/08/3 ... 72988.html

ECONOMIC VIEW
A Public Option Isn’t a Curse, or a Cure
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/16/busin ... 6view.html

Drug Industry Newsletter Assesses Senator Dodd on Health Care http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... alth-care/

1 in 7 Californians Have Medical Debt, Study Finds http://prescriptions.blogs.nytimes.com/ ... ical-debt/

Health-Care Reform, One Stop at a Time
Obama Supporters Organize Bus Tour, Campaign-Style Events Across U.S.http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/co ... 02654.html

Four our daily snap-a-slap, I love this cartoon: http://www.whatnowtoons.com/images/wn_218_color.jpg

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roxybeast
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Post by roxybeast » September 1st, 2009, 6:48 am

What If the Terrorists Decide to Make Us Sick?:
Health Care May Be a National Security Issue!
by Beth Isbell

Posted September 1, 2009, 6:00 am

Why is it that we assume that the bad guys are only going to use guns, or bombs, or try to get their hands on nuclear weapons? They're very ingenious, these terrorists. They use planes and even shoes. They also use biological and chemical weapons. The reality is that we found a lot more of those in Iraq than any fictitious nuclear arsenal. Just offer them 72 virgins in heaven, and heck, they even use themselves.

So it's not hard to imagine the following scenario: Al-Qaeda starts recruiting a new crop of "suicide bombers." But instead of strapping bombs to this new set of recruits, they infect them with diseases and all sorts of nasty things. Use your imagination - bubonic plague, polio, smallpox, killer flu strains, viral hemorrhagic fevers, and whatever other deadly highly easy to transmit nasty third world diseases they can get their hands on (oh, and btw, don't they live in the third world?). Clean cut college age kids who can get into America on an education or work visa. They infect them with this biological terror and within hours send them through customs, during the initial incubation period, and before their condition becomes detectable. Their mission is to go to places where the most people gather, like sporting events or building lobbies, and infect everybody in sight. Touch everything, spit on everything, and make sure that they spread their deadly contagion far and wide.

Well, naturally our brave men and women in the armed services would get free medical care. So would our veterans, seniors and native Americans. Are you in any of those groups right now? If not, maybe you have insurance and MAYBE it will pay for your treatment, assuming that they can diagnose you in time, which is sometimes not the case in dealing with deadly infectious agents. Often you find out after the infection has progressed passed a critical turning point. And if you don't have insurance and can't pay for care out of your pocket, well, you die. You should have been richer and worked harder you lazy bastard!

Yes, after initial havoc has been wreaked, the government would likely approve funding for a vaccine for everyone. Of course, if it's like the N1H1 flu vaccine, it will take 6 months or a year before the vaccine is ready and there won't be enough doses for everyone. You still might get incredibly sick, not be able to work, lose your health insurance, or maybe just die and avoid all that newfound misery.

Yes, but it's not like Al-Qeada would actually do this! Well, you're wrong. They are working hard to infect us with biological terror:
A 2005 report on unconventional weapons drafted by a commission led by former Sen. Charles Robb, Virginia Democrat, and federal appeals court Judge Laurence Silberman concluded that al Qaeda's biological weapons program "was extensive, well organized and operated two years before the Sept. 11" terror attacks in the U.S. Another report from the Commission on the Prevention of Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation, released in December, warned that "terrorists are more likely to be able to obtain and use a biological weapon than a nuclear weapon." British authorities in January 2003 arrested seven men they accused of producing a poison from castor beans known as ricin. British officials said one of the suspects had visited an al Qaeda training camp. In the investigation into the case, British authorities found an undated al Qaeda manual on assassinations with a recipe for making the poison. The late leader of al Qaeda in Iraq, Abu Musab Zarqawi, was suspected of developing ricin in northern Iraq.
Source: http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/200 ... xperiment/
The same story noted their were unconfirmed reports that 40 Al-Qeada terrorists died in Afghanistan earlier this year trying to infect themselves with the bubonic plague. Experts on terrorism actually see the terrorists ability to obtain biological or chemical agents as a far more likely scenario, easier to access, and as a very, very grave threat. In June, the Washington Times ran an article citing current US counterterrorism officials warning that Al-Qaeda recently released a video seeking recruits to launch a biological agent attack on the US. http://www.infowars.com/counterterroris ... om-mexico/ Many intelligence experts have indicated in recent years that access to biological pathogens and the means to aerosolize them are no longer concerns and the threat is very real. There have been reports that Al-Qeada is actively seeking to use highly deadly and easy to spread Botulinum toxins, which are easy to transport and conceal, to attempt to kill millions in the US and Europe. And if you're a right-wing conservative, your fearless leader Dick Cheney told Politico in February 2009 he believes there is a very real threat of the terrorists launching a wave of biological attacks on the US. Did I say fearless leader, I meant fearful leader.

It's nice to think that we're prepared. The reality is that we are not. Waves of terrorist spreading highly contagious killer infectious pathogens that are easy to carry and conceal, or which could be incubated inside the terrorist, is not something our border agents are presently able, if they will ever be fully able, to stop. And yes, while vaccines might be made available to the masses, the reality is that it may take a year or several years to get everybody inoculated. Of course, this relates to the worst case scenario with the worst possible toxins; a far more likely scenario, which would be easier to implement and far harder to prevent, would be infecting terrorists with things like virulent strains of the flu and sending them into the US to inflict their damage a couple hundred cases at a time. The kind of thing that you might be able to go to the doctor to get a shot to prevent, if you had the money or the insurance to do so, if your insurance covered preventative treatments.

The combined effect of waves of suicide infectors could be devastating to sectors of our economy. Imagine if they just targeted necessary services, or if they targeted hospitals with sick folks less able to resist and where infections often are easier to spread. What if they targeted particular cities, putting half the workforce of Chicago or Seattle in bed and unable to work, or what if they targeted Washington, D.C.? Can you imagine the nation's capitol and political center grinding to a halt when a third or half of it's citizens are too ill to work just from something simple, like the flu? And if they chose to use the plague?

Perhaps we can't prevent everything, but in most cases, healthy people are far better able to resist infection than sick people. The healthier our nation is, the better able we are to defend ourselves. A healthier nation also is better to compete against other nations in foreign markets and more likely to have greater productivity and revenues, which, by the way, would also generate more tax revenues. We can't afford in today's world to leave our country vulnerable to economic disaster by leaving our workforce open to mass infection and disease.

We need to quickly develop a national health care system which is able to respond to these kinds of very real, existing, and much more likely biological threats. We all know that it's not the rich kids that we send to fight our wars for us, it's the poor kids. The ones currently without insurance. The ones currently without adequate health care.

What if we're too sick to fight the terrorists? The most important reason for health care reform may very well be our national security.

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roxybeast
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Post by roxybeast » September 1st, 2009, 8:07 am

"Many bioterrorism experts believe that had those responsible for the anthrax attacks employed a more sophisticated delivery mechanism or released a deadly communicable biological agent such as smallpox, the health care system may have been overwhelmed. ... Public health experts have for years complained about the deterioration of the public health system through neglect and lack of funding. They warn that the nation is ill-equipped and insufficiently prepared to respond to a bioterrorist attack. For example, they point out that there are too few medical personnel trained to spot biological attacks, a shortage of sophisticated laboratories to identify the agents, and inadequate supplies of drugs and vaccines to counteract the threat." Source: http://www.law.umaryland.edu/marshall/c ... 31263a.pdf

I believe Congress did enact laws to provide more funding for vaccines & training in 2002 and 2004, but in light of the nature of the threat, this may not be enough. Here's a pdf of the PUBLIC HEALTH SECURITY AND BIOTERRORISM PREPAREDNESS AND RESPONSE ACT OF 2002. http://www.epa.gov/safewater/watersecur ... ty_act.pdf

Congress has taken some action in this area, but it's just not enough. Reforming our health care system to focus on preventative medicine is just another step we can take to help shore up our national defense.

It's just this simple, a healthier, stronger, more vital population is better able to resist some of these strains. And that's a goal of health care reform. Further, if people don't have to worry about going to the doctor immediately, it might spread less quickly.

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